三 需要讨论的几个问题
3 A few issues that must be discussed

如上所述，”南部吴语”可以跟”北部吴语”或”太湖片”（以及宣州片）吴语相对而言，这必然涉及它与”北部吴语”或”太湖片”（以及宣州片）吴语以及周围有关方言的分界问题。
As mentioned above, “Southern Wu” can be contrasted with “Northern Wu” or “Taihu group” (plus Xuanzhou group), which must necessarily involve the boundary issues of “Northern Wu” or “Taihu group” (plus Xuanzhou group).
在上一小节，我们已经提出了一个”南部吴语”的界定，这里再对几个相关的问题作进一步的说明和讨论。
In the previous subsection, we already put forward a resolution about “Southern Wu”, and here we will take another step forward in explanation and discussion of a few interrelated issues.
1．台州方言
1. Taizhou Dialects
傅国通等（1986:5)指出”台州片”的特点如下：
Fu Guotong et al. (1986:5) proposed the following features of “Taizhou group”:
(1) [k kh g h] 声母拼撮口呼韵母。
(1) The onsets [k kh g h] can go with `tense-lip’ ([y]-initial) rhymes.
如天台、临海、仙居、黄岩：举ky3 | 区khy1 | 跪gy4；临海、黄岩：穷 gyoN2 | 嗅hyoN5；仙居、黄岩：拳gyo2 | 军kyn1。
For example, in Tiantai, Linhai, Xianju, and Huangyan: 举ky3 | 区khy1 | 跪gy4；in Linhai and Huangyan: 穷 gyoN2 | 嗅hyoN5；in Xianju and Huangyan：拳gyo2 | 军kyn1
据《台州地区志》(1995）和《临海县志》(1989), [k kh g h]声母也可拼齐齿呼韵母，[k kh g h] 拼细音时的实际读音为[c ch J C]，临海市区新派一律读[tX tXh dZ X]。
According to _History of Taizhou Region_ (1995) and _History of Linhai County_ (1989), the onsets [k kh g h] can also go with `close-teeth’ ([i]-initial) rhymes. Before high front vowels, [k kh g h] become
pronounced as [c ch J C] (palatals), except that in Linhai City, they are pronounced as [tX tXh dZ X] (palatalized postalveolars).
（此处音节右上角的代码为调类，参看本章第三节”本书体例说明”。—笔者按）
(The codes on the right side of the syllable are tone categories. See section 3 of this chapter “Explanations of this book’s style”. — the Author)
(2）阴去字单说一律读高平调。
Tone IVa (T7) citation form is always pronounced as a high level tone.
如临海、黄岩、温岭：靠 khO55。
For example, Linhai, Huangyan, Wenling: 靠 khO55.
（此处音节右上角的数字为调值，参看本章第三节”本书体例说明”。—笔者按）
(The codes on the right side of the syllable are tone values. See section 3 of this chapter “Explanations of this book’s style”. — the Author)
(3）用变音表示儿尾。
They use tone change to express diminutive.
如温岭：桃dO15 桃儿 <= dO31桃 | 凿zO~51凿子 <= zo’11凿。
For example, Wenling: 桃dO15 `little peach’ <= dO31桃 `peach’ | 凿zO~51 `little chisel’ <= zo’11凿 `chisel’。
(4)”姐夫、妹夫”都叫”姊丈”。
The husbands of younger and older sisters are both called “姊丈”.
“早晨”叫”枯心”，只有仙居叫”五更”。
“Early morning” is called “枯心” (lit. dry heart); only in Xianju is it called “the fifth watch”.
(5)动词重叠后加”想”，表示短暂或尝试。
“想” after a reduplicated verb expresses a brief or attempted action.
（据傅国通等1985:18，宁海、三门、黄岩用”相”。据戴昭铭1999，天台也用”相”，天台的”相”就是”看”的意思。—笔者按）
(According to Fu Guotong et al. 1985:18, Ninghai, Sanmen and Huangyan use “相”. According to Dai Zhaoming 1999, Tiantai also uses “相”, which in Tiantai just means “see”. — the Author)
从这几条简要的特征，我们很难判断台州方言是否应该单立一片。
From these brief characteristics, it is difficult for us to determine if Taizhou dialects should be considered a dialect group.
现在我们根据别的理由，试图把台州方言归入太湖片。这几条理由是：
Currently, for other reasons, we attempt to classify Taizhou dialects back in the Taihu group. The reasons for this are:
(1)台州方言可与太湖片方言通话。
Taizhou dialects can converse with Taihu group dialects.
（据潘悟云、郑张尚芳先生告知。秋谷裕幸先生曾对临海方言做过简单调查，也认为临海方言比较接近太湖片方言。）
(According to Pan Wuyun and Zhengzhang Shangfang. Qiugu Yuxing previously carried out a simple survey of Linhai dialects, and he also considers Linhai dialects very close to Taihu group dialects.)
就这一点来说，台州方言没有资格从太湖片里分出来而成为”南部吴语”的一种，因为其他南部吴语均以面貌特异、与其他方言通话程度低（尤其是无法与太湖片方言通话）为其显著特征。
By this we mean that Taizhou dialects do not qualify to be seperated from Taihu group and made one kind of “Southern Wu”, because other Southern Wu all has unusual features, and the level of intelligibility among dialects is low (in particular, they are mutually unintelligible with Taihu group dialects), its outstanding characteristic.
(2)傅国通等（1985:17）指出：”本片（指台州片—笔者按）方言内部比较一致，一般能互相通话”。
Fu Guotong et al. (1985:17) proposed: “The dialects of this group (referring to the Taizhou group — the Author) are fairly similar. They are generally mutually intelligible.”
《台州地区志》(1995:1078）指出：
_History of Taizhou Region_ (1995:1078) proposes:
“台州方言片以临海市为中心，市北与仙居、天台、三门3县通称上乡话，口音比较强硬；市南与温岭、黄岩、玉环、椒江4县市通称下乡话，口音较柔软；上、下乡语音有细微差别。”
“Taizhou dialect group takes Linhai as its center. The three counties in the north of the city — Xianju, Tiantai and Sanmen — are called highland speech, which has a fairly rough accent. The four counties in
the south of the city — Wenling, Huangyan, Yubei and Jiaojiang — are called lowland speech, which has a fairly soft accent. There is a fine distinction between highland and lowland pronunciation.”
由此看来，台州方言内部一致性相当强，而内部一致性强、通话程度高也是太湖片方言的一个特征，南部吴语的金衢片、上丽片内部差异都很大，通话程度也很低。
From this it appears that there is a fairly strong consistency among Taizhou dialects. Yet a strong internal consistency and a high level of mutual intelligibility are characteristic of Taihu group dialects,
whereas the Southern Wu groups Jinqu and Shangli have great internal differences and a low level of mutual intelligibility.
(3）据《台州地区志》(1995)，咸山摄阳声韵字读 [E iE uE]、 [o/ uo/ yo/] 两组韵母，如临海：班 pE33 | 连
liE22 | 弯 uE33 | 半 po/55 | 官 kuo/33 | 全Zyo/22。
According to _History of Taizhou Region_ (1995), low register `xian’ and `shan’ rhymes are pronounced [E iE uE] and [o/ uo/ yo/], such as Linhai: 班 pE33 | 连 liE22 | 弯 uE33 | 半 po/55 | 官 kuo/33 | 全 Zyo/22。
这些字的韵母读法十分接近浙江北部地区的吴语。
The rhymes of these characters are all similar to Wuyu of the northern Zhejiang area.
当然，由于目前的台州方言资料有限，把台州方言归入太湖片只不过是一种尝试。
Of course, because the current information about Taizhou dialects is limited, classifying Taizhou dialects in the Taihu group is only tentative.
如果要下定论，必须进行专门的调查研究。
If we want a final conclusion, we must conduct specialized survey research.
本书暂时按”台州归太湖”的办法来处理，这样做的好处是可以使”南部吴语”具有更大程度上的共性
The advantage of the way this book temporarily treats “Taizhou as Taihu” is that it makes “Southern Wu” have an even greater degree of general character.
（郑张尚芳先生告诉笔者，台州方言上声调带紧喉现象，这个特点跟温州话相似。
(Zhengzhang Shangfang has told the author that Taizhou dialect tone III has glottal constriction, which resembles Wenzhou dialect.
他认为台州方言可以算作太湖片与瓯江片的过渡区）。
He believes Taizhou dialects can be regarded as intermediate between Taihu group and Oujiang group.
2．严州方言
2. Yanzhou Dialects
“严州方言”是指分布在浙江省西部原严州府的淳安、遂安、建德、寿昌四县，亦即今杭州市的淳安县（遂安并入淳安）、建德市（寿昌并入建德）的汉语方言。
“Yanzhou dialects” are located in western Zhejiang, the four counties Chun’an, Sui’an, Jiande and Shouchang of the former Yanzhou Prefecture. That is, the Chinese dialects of modern-day Hangzhou
City’s Chun’an County (Sui’an was merged with Chun’an) and Jiande City (Shouchang was merged with Jiande).
建德、寿昌、遂安分别与金华地区的浦江、兰溪，衢州地区的龙游、衢县、常山、开化等县市接壤。
Jiande, Shouchang and Sui’an are distinct from Jinhua Region’s Pujiang and Lanxi and from Quzhou Region’s Longyou, Quxian, Changshan, Kaihua, and other bordering areas.
曹志耘（1996a: 9）认为：”要确定严州方言的性质和系属为时尚早”。
Cao Zhiyun (1996a: 9) acknowledges: “It is premature to try to decide the characteristics and classification of Yanzhou dialects.”
通过近几年的思考，笔着现在倾向于把徽语和吴语合起来，严州方言是其中的一部分。
After these few years of consideration, the author now favors joining Huiyu and Wuyu together, and Yanzhou dialects are one part of it.
但这不是本书的论题，这里要讨论的是严州方言不宜归入”南部吴语”的问题。
But this is not this book’s topic. Here we will discuss the issue of why it is not appropriate to include Yanzhou dialects in “Southern Wu”.
从严州方言的具体情况来看，淳安话和遂安话具有很大的独特性，跟南部吴语差别很大，无法归入南部吴语。
Based on Yanzhou dialects’ specific situation, Chun’an dialect and Sui’an dialect have great individuality, differing greatly from Southern Wu and incapable of being classified as Southern Wu.
严州方言与南部吴语有纠葛的问题有两个。
Yanzhou dialects and Southern Wu have two disputed questions.
一是建德、寿昌的文读系统跟金华城里方言的文读系统非常接近（跟兰溪、龙游等地的文读系统也很接近），二是寿昌的白读系统中也有一些与南部吴语特别是金衢片吴语相近的特点。
One is that the literary pronunciation system of Jiande and Shouchang are extraordinarily close to that of urban Jinhua. (It is also very similar to the literary pronunciation of Lanxi, Longyou, etc.) The second is that Shouchang casual pronunciation has a few features similar to Southern Wu, particularly the Jinqu group.
关于第一个间题，建德、寿昌人把本地的文读系统叫做”浙江方言”，金华城里文读系统的特点接近北部吴语特别是浙江省的强势方言杭州话，从形成过程、使用情况和语言特征来看，这些地方的文读系统实际上都是所谓”浙江官话”（浙江的地区共同语）的地域变体，所以不能据此认为建德、寿昌方言与金华方言相近。
Regarding the first question, the people of Jiande and Shouchang call their system of literary pronunciation “Zhejiang dialect”, and urban Jinhua’s literary pronunciation is similar to that of Northern Wu, particularly to that of the influential Hangzhou dialect. Based on the formation process, usage situation and language features, the literary pronunciation systems of these places are actually local variants of the so-called “Zhejiang Officialese” (Zhejiang’s regional lingua franca). So we can not consider Jiande and Shouchang dialects similar to Jinhua dialects on those grounds.
关于第二个问题，寿昌方言的白读系统里的确存在一些与南部吴语特别是金衢片吴语相同相近，而与徽语、太湖片吴语不同的地方。
As to the second question, Shouchang dialect’s casual pronunciation has a few similarities with Southern Wu, especially the Wuyu of Jinqu group, and it has several differences from Huiyu and Taihu group Wuyu.
例如，[n], [l]声母徽语多数地点相混，寿昌不混；”厚”字徽语多数地点读擦音声母，寿昌读塞音声母；”人”说”农”；”事情”说”事干”；句尾”了”说”罢”；程度副词用”猛”，等等。
For example, the onsets [n] and [l] are merged in most of Huiyu, but in Shouchang they are not. The character “厚” is pronounced with a fricative onset in most Huiyu locations, but in Suichang it is pronounced with a stop. They say “农” for `person’, “事干” for `business affairs’, “罢” for sentence-final “了”, “猛” as the degree adverb, and so on.
但是，寿昌方言有一些很重要的特征是南部吴语所没有的：
However, Suichang dialect has a few important features that Southern Wu places don’t have:
(1)古全浊声母全部清化，逢塞音塞擦音一律读送气清音。
(1) Classical voiced onsets are all devoiced, and all stops and affricates are aspirated.
(2)去声不分阴阳，都读 [33] 调。文读中清去与清上、次浊上合，浊去与全浊上合。
(2) Tone IV has no register distinction, with both pronounced as [33]. In literary pronunciation, tone II and III with voiceless onsets are merged with tone II with sonorant onsets, and tone III with voiced
onsets and tone II with voiced obstruent onsets are merged.
寿昌方言去声（特别是清去）与其他声调合并这一特征跟徽语及北部吴语的某些方言相近。
This characteristic of Shouchang dialect tone III (especially voiceless III) merging with other tones resembles certain dialects of Huiyu and Northern Wu.
(3)”阴高阳低”的调值模式已不复存在，寿昌方言白读系统的8个单字调如下：
阴平［112］阴上［24］去声［33］阴入甲［55］阴入乙［?3］
阳平［52］ 阳上［534］ 阳入［31］
The pattern of high and low pitches for high and low registers in not mantained. The 8 citation tones of Shouchang dialect casual pronunciation system are as follows:
Ia［112］IIa［24］IIIa［33］IVa.i［55］IVa.ii［?3］
Ib［52］ IIb［534］ IVb［31］
(4）调类合并时已突破”阴阴合并”或”阳阳合并”的模式，白读中清去与浊去不分，部分浊入字合入阴上调，文读中次浊上与清上、清去合。
When the tone categories merge, that patterns of “high-register merger” and “low register merger” are already broken. In casual pronunciation, voiceless III and voiced III are not distinguished, and some of the voiced IV characters merge with IIa tone. In literary pronunciation, sonorants of II and voiceless obstruents of II and III are merged.
(5）词汇、语法方面也有一些重要现象与南部吴语不同，如”我”说 [tsa2]，”你”说 [tsen2]，介词”把”用”把”，等。
Lexical and grammatical aspects also have a few important differences from Southern Wu, such as [tsa2] for “I”, [tsen2] for “you”, “把” for the object-marking preposition, and so on.
根据以上特征，我们不把寿昌话归入”南部吴语”。
Based on the above characteristics, we don’t include Shouchang in “Southern Wu”.
3．上饶吴语
3. Shangrao Wu
江西省东部上饶地区的部分县市即上饶市、上饶县、广丰县、玉山县以及德兴市的陇头村的方言属于南部吴语，这应该没有太大的问题。
The dialects of part of the Shangrao region of east Jiangxi Province, namely Shangrao City, Shangrao County, Guangfeng County and Yushan County, as well as Longtou Village of Dexing City, belong to Southern Wu. There shouldn’t be much problem with this.
只是广丰方言古全浊擦音声母已经全部清化，古全浊塞音、塞擦音声母（尤其是在轻声音节）相对清化。
It is just that in Guangfeng dialect, ancient voiced fricative onsets have completely devoiced, and ancient voiced stops and affricates (especially in neutral-tone syllables) have become relatively
devoiced.
但全浊声母清化在吴语里已不是个别现象，金华、衢州一带方言的所谓全浊声母不少也可以记作清声母。
But voiced obstruent devoicing in Wuyu is not an individual phenomenon. In dialects of Jinhua and Quzhou, nominally voiced obstruents can not uncommonly be recorded as voiceless onsets.
广丰方言仍保留平、上、去、入按古声母清浊各分阴阳（四声八调）的格局，也就是说古清浊声母字实际上并没有混同，这符合吴语的一般情况。
Guangfeng dialects still retain the classical voicing/register distinction in each of the tone categories (four categories, eight tones). Which is to say, the classical onset voicing is in fact not merged at all, in keeping with the usual situation in Wuyu.
该地区的另一个问题是上饶（包括上饶市和上饶县）方言比较”新”，也就是说跟附近的吴语方言相比，发展速度比较快，保存古老特点比较少。
The other problem with the above-mentioned region is that the dialects of Shangrao (including Shangrao City and Shangrao County) are fairly “new”, which is to say that compared to the neighboring Wuyu dialects, the speed of development is fairly rapid and the ancient characteristics are not preserved very much.
例如，非组字一般不读 [p] 组声母，知组字一般不读 [t] 组声母，”人”说”人”不说”农”，”肚子”说”肚”不说”腹”，”不”说”不”不说”弗”，副词”在”（如”他在吃饭”）用”在”不用”是”、”坐”之类，等等。
For example, `fei’-group characters are generally not pronounced with a [p] onset, `zhi’-group characters are generally not pronounced with a [t] onset, they use “人” not “农” for “person”, they use “肚” not “腹” for “stomach”, they use “不” not “弗” for “not”, they use “在” not “是”, “坐”, etc. as the auxiliary (such as “他在吃饭” [He is eating]), and so on.
这种较”新”的现象跟金华、衢州等较大城市的方言有相同之处。
This kind of fairly “new” phenomena is the same as is found in the dialects of Jinhua, Quzhou, and other fairly large cities.
4．浦城吴语
4. Pucheng Wuyu
福建省西北部浦城县北部的12个乡镇（包括县城南浦镇）使用吴语。浦城吴语具有较大的独特性。
Wuyu is spoken in 12 villages of northern Pucheng County in northwestern Fujian Province. Pucheng Wuyu is quite distinctive.
在声母方面，古全浊声母全部清化，逢塞音塞擦音绝大多数字读不送气清音，例如：皮pi213 | 柱 tXy54 | 殿 tia~i21 | 杂 tsa32。
As for onsets, ancient voiced obstruents all devoiced, in a great number of characters, stops and affricates are pronounced without aspiration, for example: 皮 pi213 | 柱 tXy54 | 殿 tia~i21 | 杂 tsa32.
端母字读［l］声母，例如：低 lie35 | 朵 luo44 | 到 lao423 | 答 la32，因此，定母 [t] 跟端母[l] 并不同音。
Characters with `duan’ initials are pronounced with [l] onsets, such as: 低 lie35 | 朵 luo44 | 到 lao423 | 答 la32, and so `ding’ initials and `duan’ initials do not sound the same.
在韵母方面，古入声字已全部失去塞音韵尾，变为开尾或元音尾韵母。
As for rhymes, the ancient tone IV characters have all lost their stop codas and become empty-coda or vowel-final rhymes.
在声调方面，平、上、去三调仍然按古声母的清浊各分阴阳，调值基本上保留了”阴高阳低”的模式；入声则不分阴阳，都读 [32] 调，因此造成了古清声母入声字和浊声母入声字的对立完全消失（端、定母字声母相分，除外），例如：福＝服 fu32 | 竹＝族 tsou32。
As for tones, categories I, II and III are each still divided into registers according to the ancient onset voicing constrast, and the tone pitches basically preserved the register/pitch height pattern. But tone IV is not divided into registers, and is all pronounced as [32]. For this reason, the constrast between ancient voiceless-onset characters of category IV and voiced-onset characters of category IV has disappeared. (The onsets of `duan’ and `ding’ characters do contrast and are not included.) For example, 福＝服 fu32 | 竹＝族 tsou32.
李如龙（1991:392一393)认为浦城吴语”早先它应该也是闽北方言，至今还有不少常用词和’建属六邑’相同，但从现状的整体看，它已经蜕变为吴方言，大体可与浙西南各县吴语通话，石破（位于浦城县南部，通行闽北方言—笔者按）人进城反而听不懂南浦话。
Li Rulong (1991:392-393) believes Pucheng Wuyu “probably was formerly a Min Bei dialect, and even now it still has quite a few common words the same as `the six cities of Fujian’. But looking at the current situation, it has already transformed into a Wuyu dialect. In general it is mutually intelligible with the Wuyu of all southwestern Zhejiang. When the people of Shipo (located in the southern part of
Pucheng County, and using as Min Bei dialect. — the Author) go to town, they actually don’t understand the Nanpu [South Pucheng] dialect spoken there.
“浦城吴语是否能跟相邻的浙江省江山、遂昌、龙泉等地方言通话，尚难以肯定。
“It is still difficult to determine whether Pucheng Wuyu is mutually intelligible with the dialects in the neighboring Zhejiang counties of Jiangshan, Suichang, Longquan, etc.
但可以看到，浦城吴语里存在不少与这些地区方言相近的南部吴语特征，例如有 [f] 声母，端母字读 [l] 声母（龙泉横坑头、庆元端母字读
[?d] 声母），”打”读［n］声母，”咬”读 [Nao4] ,”人”说”农”，”田”说”田”不说”滕”，”吃”说 [lie7]，等等。
But it can be seen that quite a few of the characteristics of Southern Wu found in Pucheng Wuyu are similar to the dialects of those regions. For example, there is the [f] onset, the `duan’ onset characters
pronounced with [l] onset (Hengkengtou of Longquans and Qingyuan pronounce `duan’ onsets as [?d]), “打” is pronounced with [n] onset, “咬” is pronounced [Nao4], they use “农” for “person”, “田” not “滕” for
“field”, “吃” is pronounced [lie7], and so on.
5．庆元、龙泉方言
5. Dialects of Qingyuan and Longquan
最后要讨论的是浙江省南端的庆元县和龙泉市的方言。
The last thing to discuss is the dialects of Zhejiang’s southernmost regions, Qingyuan County and Longquan City.
罗杰瑞(1995:175)指出：”浙江省除了西南的庆元（译文误作”庆源”—笔者按）、龙泉等地以外，都讲吴语”，并说”这是 J .
Norman 从庆元人语音中得出的看法”(1995:185)。
Luo Jierui (1995:175) proposed: “Zhejiang Province, except for Qingyuan (mistranslated as Qingyuan [diff. character] — the Author), Longquan, etc in the southwest, all speak Wuyu.” He also says, “This
is the opinion J. Norman arrived at from recordings of Qingyuan speakers.”
说浙江省除了庆元、龙泉以外都讲吴语，显然是有欠周详的。
Saying that Zhejiang Province speaks Wuyu except for Qingyuan and Longquan is clearly not detailed enough.
众所周知，苍南县的大部分地区使用闽语，洞头、平阳、泰顺等县也有不少地方使用闽语。
As everyone knows, most of the area of Cangnan County uses Min, and Dongtou, Pingyang, Taishun, etc. also have quite a few places that use Min.
至于庆元县方言的系属问题，据笔者和秋谷裕幸先生调查，庆元县绝大部分地区说吴语，只有东南角江根乡的江根、水寨、坝头、下青田、上青田、沙衣湖、答坑几个村说一种接近福建寿宁话的方言。
As to the question of the classification of Qingyuan County dialects, according to the author and Qiugu Yuxing’s survey, the vast majority of Qingyuan County speaks Wuyu, and there is only the villages Jianggen, Shuizhai, Batou, Lower Qingtian, Upper Qingtian, Shayi Lake and Dakeng of Jianggen Country in the northeast corner, which speak a dialect that is similar to Fujian’s Shouning dialect.
庆元吴语古全浊声母字今不论平仄一律读作不送气的清塞音、清塞擦音或清擦音，例如：婆po52 | 簿 p&221 | 定 tIN31 | 碟 tia?34 | 茶 tso52 | 桥 txiA52 | 直 txi?34 | 肥 fi52 | 蝉 xiE~52 I实 xi@W?34。
Qingyuan Wuyu ancient voiced obstruent onsets, regardless of tone, are all pronounced as unaspirated stops, affricates or fricatives. For example, 婆po52 | 簿 p&221 | 定 tIN31 I 碟 tia?34 | 茶 tso52 | 桥 txiA52 | 直 txi?34 | 肥 fi52 | 蝉 xiE~52 I实 xi@W?34.
同时，帮、端母字分别读作 [?b] 声母和 [?d] 声母（这一特点跟龙泉横坑头、云和、景宁、青田等地吴语相同），例如 此 ?bi33 | 扮 ?ba~11 I 八 ?bo?50 I 底 ?die33 | 东 ?doN334 I答 ?da?50。
At the same time, `bang’ and `duan’ characters are pronounced with [?b] and [?d] onsets respectively. (This feature is similar to the Wuyu of Hengkengtou, Yunhe, Jingning, Qingtian, etc. of Longquan.) For
example, 此 ?bi33 | 扮 ?ba~11 I 八 ?bo?50 I 底 ?die33 | 东 ?doN334 | 答 ?da?50.
因此，並母［p］跟帮母［?b］并不同音，定母［t］跟端母［?d］并不同音。
For this reason, `bing’ onsets [p] and `bang’ onsets [?b] are not homophonous, and `ding’ onsets [t] and `duan’ onsets [?d] are not homophonous.
韵母系统里只有一个鼻尾，一个喉塞尾。
The rhyme inventory only has one nasal coda and one glottal stop coda.
声调系统比较完整地保留了平、上、去、入按古声母的清浊各分阴阳（四声八调）的模式。
The tone inventory has fairly completely retained the register split pattern of the four tone categories according to the ancient onset voicing contrast (four categories, eight contours).
有丰富的小称现象，等等。
It has abundant dimunitive phenomena, and so on.
龙泉市境内除了舍话、客家话、淳安话（徽语）方言岛以外，都使用龙泉吴语。
Within Longquan City, besides She, Hakka, and Chun’an (Huiyu) dialect islands, it all uses Longquan Wuyu.
龙泉吴语古全浊声母字今不论平仄一律读作不送气的清塞音、清塞擦音或清擦音，帮、端母字城里读［p
t］声母，有的乡下（如与庆元相邻的横坑头）读［?b ?d］声母，这些特点跟庆元相同。
Longquan Wuyu ancient voiced obstruent onsets, regardless of tone, are all pronounced as unaspirated stops, affricates or fricatives. Onsets of `bang’ and `duan’ characters are pronounced as [p t] in the city,
and in some rural areas (like Hengkengtou bordering Qingyuan) they are pronounced [?b ?d], features which are just like Qingyuan.
在其他方面，龙泉话具有一般吴语的特性，比如声调系统平、上、去、入按古声母的清浊各分阴阳；浊上字归阴上，跟金华城里、兰溪、磐安方言相同。
In other aspects, Longquan dialect has the properties of Wuyu in general, like the tone inventory preserving the register contrast in each of the tone categories according to the classical onset voicing.
Only voiced tone III merged with IIIa, just like urban Jinhua, Lanxi and Pan’an dialects.
从以上情况来看，庆元县、龙泉市的绝大部分地区的方言属于南部吴语，是没有问题的。
Based on the above situation, the dialects of the vast majority of Qingyuan County and Longquan City are classified as Southern Wu, without question.