In the past three weeks:

• I met with my tutor twice, and got familiarity ratings for the stimulus list, plus a few possible stories. At least for younger speakers, it will apparently be easier to just translate the story from Standard Mandarin on the fly than to try to read the unfamiliar characters of idiomatic Wuyu. The stimulus list does have a few items that are unfamiliar to the informant, possibly not used at all in Jinhua.
• I translated the next couple sections of 南部吴语. When I went to check some statements there with the wordlist, I realized that 南部吴语 and the dictionary disagree about what happened to tone IIB obstruent-onset syllables. 南部吴语 says that all tone IIB syllables merged into tone IIA in Jinhua and Lanxi, but the dictionary indicates that many if not most obstruent-initial syllables are pronounced with tone IIIB. The dictionary introduction says this is the case for literary pronunciation, and that casual pronunciation renders them as tone IIA, but I thought the dictionary pronunciations were going for casual speech. At minimum, it suggests that some obstruent-initial tokens could behave differently than the sonorant-onset tokens, in sandhi if not in citation form.
• I did also spend some time listening to 二十分可乐, and more time hanging out with friends who speak the local dialect with each other.

In the next couple weeks:

• I need to decide on a stimulus list. I have collected some possible alternatives from the dictionary, but not for all the gaps, particularly if tone IIB obstruents and sonorants do not behave the same. I also still am not sure of the original source of the stimulus list, and know of no alternative lists. I hope to meet with a Chinese student studying Ningbo dialect and/or the professor who was doing dialect research. And I need to check the alternative words with a couple native speakers.
• I’d like to finish a couple more sections of 南部吴语.
• But two weeks from now, my parents are visiting and we’re doing a wedding the day they get here, so things will be a bit busy.

第二节 浊上
Section 2: Voiced Category II

在南部吴语的不少方言里，古浊上调已经发生了变化。
In many dialects of Southern Wuyu, a changed has occurred in ancient voiced-onset tone II.
南部吴语古浊上的归并情况主要有以下几种：
These are the main varieties of merger of ancient voiced-onset tone II syllables in Southern Wuyu:
1．浊上归阴上：金华城里，兰溪，磐安中年以下，龙泉。
1. Voiced II have merged into IIA: urban Jinhua, Lanxi, Pan’an under middle-age, and Longquan.
古清上、浊上（包括次浊上和全浊上）字，金华城里今都读［535］调，兰溪今都读［534］调，龙泉今都读［52］调。
Syllables from ancient voiceless and voiced tone II (including obstruents and sonorants) are now all pronounced [535] in urban Jinhua, [534] in Lanxi, and [52] in Longquan.
从表面上看，这种现象似乎也可以看作是古上声不分阴阳。
As seen in the table, this kind of phenomenon can also be seen as ancient tone II not splitting into registers.
不过，赵元任《现代吴语的研究》所记20世纪20年代的金华城里方言分阴上［434］、阳上［423］。
However, Yuan-Ren Chao’s _Modern Wuyu Research_ records that in the 1920s, urban Jinhua did split IIA [434] and IIB [423].
从今天的情况来看，金华城里古全浊声母上声字声母已经清化，［535］调的调值跟周围方言阴上调的高降升型（金华小黄村［535］、汤溪［535］）相对应，所以，金华城里古上声字今全读［535］调应是古浊上字归入阴上的结果。
Looking at the current situation, in urban Jinhua the voiced obstruents in ancient tone II syllables have devoiced, and the tone contour [535] is in agreement with the IIA high falling-rising contours of the surrounding dialects (Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village [535], Tangxi [535]). Therefore, ancient tone II syllables all being pronounced as [535] in urban Jinhua is a result of ancient voiced-onset tone II syllables merging with IIA.
兰溪（赵则玲、陶寰1999）的情况跟金华城里相同。
The situation of Lanxi (Zhao Zeling and Tao Huan 1999) is the same as that of Jinhua.
龙泉的古全浊声母今天已全部清化，但龙泉上声字的高降调值［52］也完全跟周围一些方言的阴上调值（遂昌［52］、云和［53］）相对应，无疑属于阴调类系统，因此，龙泉古上声字今全读［52］调也应当是古浊上字归入阴上（阳上归阴上）的结果，不宜看作古上声不分阴阳或古清上归阳上。
Ancient voiced obstruent onsets are all devoiced in Longquan, but Longquan the high falling contour of tone II [52] is also completely matching the IIA contours of some of the surrounding dialects (Suichang [52], Yunhe [53]), undoubtedly belonging to register A. For this reason, Longquan ancient tone II syllables all being pronounced as [52] also must be a result of ancient voiced-onset tone II syllables merging with IIA (IIB merged with IIA). It is not appropriate to view it as ancient tone II not having a register split or as ancient voiceless-onset tone II merging with IIB.
磐安老年人次浊上、匣母上声字读阴上［434］，除匣母以外的全浊上字读阳上［244］，有的老年人匣母以外的全浊上字也有少数读作阴上，或阴上、阳上又读。
Pan’an older speakers pronounce sonorant onset and *g onset tone II syllables as IIA [434], while other voiced obstruent tone II syllables are pronounced as IIB [244]. Some older speakers pronounce some non-*g voiced obstruent syllables as IIA, or as alternately IIA and IIB.
中年以下的人浊上（包括次浊上和全浊上）字全部读作阴上［434］。
People younger than middle age pronounce all voiced onset tone II syllables (both obstruents and sonorants) as IIA [434].
全浊上字读阴上后全浊声母变为不送气清音。
After tone IIA, the onset of a voiced obstruent tone II syllable is changed to a voiceless unaspirated sound.
2.浊上归阴平：金华小黄村。
2. Voiced tone II merged with IA: Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village.
该方言的单字调系统如下：
This dialect’s isolation tone system is the following:

金华小黄村浊上归阴平以后，古全浊声母上声字读为清音声母，跟清平字混同，古次浊声母上声字也跟部分帮端母平声字（金华小黄村咸山摄帮端母字今读［m n/ɲ］声母）混同，例如：弟＝低 tiɛ334 | 柱＝珠 tɕy34 | 是＝嬉 ɕi 334 | 买＝班 ma 334 | 米＝边 miɛ334
In Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village, after voiced tone II merged with IIA syllables, voiced obstruent onsets of tone II became pronounced as voiceless, the same as voiceless tone I syllables. Ancient sonorant onsets of tone II syllables also mixed with the ‘bang’ and ‘duan’ onset tone I syllables. (In Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village, `bang’ and `duan’ onsets with `xian’ and `shan’ rhymes are now pronounced [m] and [n/ɲ].) For example: 弟＝低 tiɛ334 | 柱＝珠 tɕy34 | 是＝嬉 ɕi 334 | 买＝班 ma 334 | 米＝边 miɛ334
3．次浊上归阴上：磐安老年人，开化部分字，丽水，云和，平阳，苍南，泰顺。
3. Sonorant onset tone II merged into IIA: Pan’an older speakers, some Kaihua syllables, Lishui, Yunhe, Pingyang, Cangnan and Taishun.
4．次浊上归阴去：衢州部分字。
4. Sonorant onset tone II merged into IIIA: some Quzhou syllables.
5．全浊上归阳平：丽水。
5. Voiced obstruent tone II merged into IB: Lishui.
6．全浊上归阳去：衢州，开化，浦城部分字。
6. Voiced obstruent tone II merged into IIIB: Quzhou, Kaihua, some Pucheng syllables.
以上现象表明，在南部吴语中，浊上是一个不稳定的调类，其中次浊上归入其他调类的速度要略快于全浊上。
The above phenomena demonstrate that in Southern Wuyu, voiced tone II is an unstable tone category, in which the speed that sonorant tone II merges with other tone categories is slightly faster than that of voiced obstruent tone II.
在北部吴语以及其他一些方言（如官话）里，古浊上比较常见的归并模式是次浊上归阴上（或上声），全浊上归阳去（或去声）。
In Northern Wuyu as well as other dialects (like Mandarin), a commonly seen merger pattern of ancient voiced tone II is that of voiced obstruent tone II merging with IIA (or just tone II) while sonorant tone II merges with IIIB (or tone III).
在南部吴语中，没有一个地点是完全采用这种归并模式的，只有位于西北角的开化，次浊上有少数字归阴上，多数字和全浊上一起归阳去。
In Southern Wuyu, not a single location completely uses this merger pattern. Only Kaihua in the northwest has some voiced obstruent tone II merging with IIA while the majority merge into IIIB with the sonorants.
只采用次浊上归阴上方式的有磐安老年人、云和、平阳、苍南、泰顺五点。
The pattern of only having sonorants merge with IIA is found in five locations: Pan’an older speakers, Yunhe, Pingyang, Cangnan, and Taishun.
只采用全浊上归阳去方式的有浦城一点，但浦城的全浊上只有部分字归阳去，另一部分字仍读阳上。
The pattern of only having voiced obstruents merge with IIIB is found in one location, Pucheng, but only a portion of Pucheng’s voice obstruent tone II syllables merged into IIIA, and the portion stayed pronounced as IIB.
在古浊上的归并中，金华小黄村浊上归阴平，这种现象在整个南部吴语中显得比较突出。
Among the mergers of ancient voiced tone II, the phenomenon of voiced II merging into IA in Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village stands out among all of Southern Wuyu.
古浊上是否发生变化，以及变化的方式，在地域上看不出明显的规律性。
Geographically there is no obvious pattern about whether or not ancient voiced tone II underwent a change, as well as the manner of change.
只是上丽片的上山小片除开化外都没有发生变化，瓯江片的全浊上都没有发生变化。
Only Shangshan sub-group of Shangli group, except for Kaihua, had no change, and Oujiang group’s voiced obstruent tone II had no change.

第一节单字调
Section 1: Isolated tones
南部吴语地区37个县市方言单字调系统的基本情况见表4一1。
For the systems of isolated tones of the 37 dialect zones of the Southern Wuyu region, see Table 4-1.
表中各地的调类和调值情况，依据笔者所能看到的最新而比较可靠的资料（因来源众多，这里不一一注明了）。
The table contains each location’s tone categories and contours, which in the author’s view, are the newest and most reliable data (from numerous sources, here the differences are clarified).
方言点后面的数字是调类数，入声调值前面标”？”的表示是短促调，不标”？”的是长调，”／”表示又读。
The numeral after the dialect location is the tone count. The “?” before the IV tones indicates a short tone; the ones without a “?” are long tones. The “/” indicates alternate pronunciations.
1．调类
Tone classes
由表4一1可见，南部吴语比较完好地保留了”四声八调”的调类系统。
As can be seen in Table 4-1, Southern Wuyu has fairly completely maintained the “4 categories, 8 tones” tone system.
调类数目在6-8个之间（但金华小黄村有9个调类，磐安中年以下的人只有5个调类，详下），以8个为最普遍，在37个地点中有26点为8个调类，占70。
The tone counts are between 6 and 8 (though Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village has 8 tones, and Pan’an speakers under middle age have only 5 tones). We can take 8 as the most common, since among the 37 locations, 26 of them (70%) have 8 tones.
古平、去声各地均按古声母清浊分为阴阳两类，古上、入声多数地区也按古声母清浊分为阴阳两类，少数地区古浊上、清入、浊入发生了新的分化合并，金华地区相对来说调类简化的速度比较快，详见下文。
Ancient I and III are divided into registers according the ancient onset voicing. Ancient II and IV are in most places also divided into registers according the ancient onset voicing, and in a few locations, a new split occurred in the ancient voiced II, voiceless IV or voiced IV syllables. Jinhua Region tone classes have simplified at a relatively fast rate, as detailed below.
2．调值
Tone pitches
南部吴语在调值方面具有如下几个特点：
As far as tone pitches, Southern Wuyu possesses the following characteristics:
(1)基本上保持了”阴高阳低”的调值格局。
The “high A, low B” register pitch structure is generally maintained.
只是在少数古全浊声母发生清化的方言里，出现了个别”阳高阴低”的现象，例如庆元阴平[334]，阳平［52]；泰顺阴平［213]，阳平〔53]；浦城阴上［44]，阳上［54]。
But in a few dialects that underwent obstruent devoicing, there occurred phenomena that do not follow the “high A, low B” pattern, such as Qingyuan’s IA [334] and IB [52], Taishun’s IA [213] and IB [53], and Pucheng’s IIA [44] and IIB [54].
(2)阴上（或上声）调多为高调，在一些方言里并有紧喉现象。
The IIA (or II) tone is high tone, and in a few dialects, it also has laryngealization.
例如，温州阴上［45］、阳上［34］都带紧喉成分；青田阴上［354］、阳上［243］调域很高，而且紧喉；文成阴上［454］高而短，并带紧喉色彩；衢州、龙游阴上［45］比较紧而短促。
For example, Wenzhou IIA [45] and IIB [34] carry creaky phonation. Qingtian IIA [354] and IIB [243] have high pitch ranges and also creaky phonation. Wencheng IIA [454] is high and short, and also carries creaky coloring. Quzhou and Longyou IIA [45] is fairly creaky and short.
(3)入声在温州地区泰顺除外全部读为长调；在金华地区，除了金华、兰溪、武义等地仍不同程度地保留短促调以外，或读长调，或合入其他舒声调；络云、龙泉、浦城也读长调（龙泉的阴入潘悟云先生记作［5］,但不带喉塞）。
In Wenzhou Region except for Taishun, IV is pronounced as a long tone. In Jinhua Region except for Jinhua, Lanxi, Wuyi, etc, which to different degrees still maintain short tones, category IV are either pronounced as a long tones or merged with other tones. Laoyun, Longyou, and Pucheng also have long tones. (Pan Wuyun records Longquan’s IVA as [5], but without a glottal stop).
在其余地区（主要是衢州、上饶、丽水地区），入声仍读短促调，带喉塞尾，其中阴入调一般为高短调，阳入调一般为短促的低升调或低降升调。
In the other regions (mainly Quzhou, Shangrao, and Lishui regions), IV tones are still pronounced as short tones, with a glottal stop. Among them, IVA is generally high and short, and IVB is generally a short low rising or short low falling tone.
(4)升降调比较常见，表4一1中共出现17次，有些方言记作其他调型（主要是升调）的调值实际读音也接近升降调，例如磐安阳去［14］接近［143］，遂昌阳平［221］和庆元阳上［221］有时为［231］。
Rising tones are relatively common, appearing 17 times in Table 4-1. Some dialects are recorded as having other contours (primarily rising tones) which are actually close to rising-falling tones. For example, Pan’an’s IIIB [14] is close to [143], and Suichang’s IB [221] and Qingyuan’s IIB [221] are sometimes [231].
从总体上看，大约每两个地点中有一个升降调。
Overall, approximately every two locations have one rising-falling tone.
(5)温州地区除泰顺以外，单字调（据郑张尚芳先生告知，还包括连读调）的调值系统相当一致。这种一致性在南部吴语的其他地区完全看不到。
The citation tone contours of Wenzhou Region, except for Taishun, (according to Zhengzhang Shangfang’s information, the sandhi tones are included) are completely identical. This kind of uniformity is completely unseen in other regions.

表4-1 南部吴语单字调
Table 4-1. Southern Wuyu isolated tones

清平 浊平 清上 次浊上 全浊上 清去 浊去 清入 浊入
金华7 阴平334 阳平313 阴上535 ＝阴上 ＝阴上 阴去55 阳去14 阴入?4 阳人?212
汤溪7 阴平24 阳平11 阴上535 阳上113 ＝阳上 阴去52 阳去341 阴入55 ＝阳上
兰溪7 阴平33 阳平21 阴上534 ＝阴上 ＝阴上 阴去45 阳去24 阴入?34 阳人？12
浦江8 阴平33 阳平213 阴上53 阳上31 ＝阳上 阴去445 阳去13 阴入334 阳入223
义乌6 阴平33 阳平213 阴上53 阳上31 ＝阳上 阴去55 阳去13 ＝阴平 ＝阳平
东阳8 阴平33 阳平113 阴上55 阳上22 ＝阳上 阴去53 阳去13 阴入434 阳人212
磐安6 阴平445 阳平213 阴上434 ＝阴上 阳上244 阴去52 阳去14 ＝阴上 ＝阳平
永康6 阴平44 阳平22 阴上35 阳上13 ＝阳上 阴去52 阳去241/24 ＝阴上 ＝阳上
武义8 阴平24 阳平213 阴上55 阳上13 ＝阳上 阴去53 阳去31 阴入?5 阳入n12
衙州7 阴平434 阳平323 阴上45 阴去阳去 ＝阳去 阴去53 阳去231 阴人?5 阳入？12
龙游8 阴平434 阳平21 阴上45 阳上213 ＝阳上 阴去52 阳去231 阴人？5 阳入?23
开化7 阴平45 阳平341 阴上53 阴上阳去 ＝阳去 阴去423 阳去212 阴入?5 阳入?24
常山8 阴平45 阳平341 阴上52 阳上24 ＝阳上 阴去423 阳去212 阴入乃 阳人?34
江山8 阴平44 阳平313 阴上343 阳上33 ＝阳上 阴去52 阳去31 阴人?5 阳入乃
上饶8 阴平55 阳平312 阴上53 阳上31 ＝阳上 阴去523 阳去212 阴入？5 阳入乃
广丰8 阴平445 阳平231 阴上52 阳上214 ＝阳上 阴去424 阳去223 阴入？?5 阳人?23
玉山8 阴平33 阳平24 阴上45 阳上22 ＝阳上 阴去52 阳去31 阴入乃 阳入?23
丽水7 阴平24 阳平n 阴上544 ＝阴上 ＝阳平 阴去52 阳去231 阴入？?5 阳人?23
遂昌8 阴平55 阳平221 阴上52 阳上13 ＝阳上 阴去334 阳去212 阴人朽 阳人?23
松阳8 阴平51 阳平31 阴上214 阳上22 ＝阳上 阴去35 阳去13 阴入乃 阳人?2
宣平8 阴平24 阳平323 阴上44 阳上223 ＝阳上 阴去53 阳去31 阴人朽 阳入刀
婿云8 阴平334 阳平231 阴上53 阳上31 ＝阳上 阴去554 阳去213 阴入423 阳入35
青田8 阴平334 阳平211 阴上354 阳上243 ＝阳上 阴去33 阳去22 阴入?43 阳入?32
云和8 阴平324 阳平423 阴上53 ＝阴上 阳上21 阴去55 阳去223 阴入乃 阳入?24
景宁8 阴平423 阳平312 阴上33 阳上31 二阳上 阴去45 阳去13 阴人朽 阳入?23
龙泉7 阴平335 阳平211 阴上52 ＝阴上 ＝阴上 阴去44 阳去113 阴入54 阳人23
庆元8 阴平334 阳平52 阴上33 阳上221 ＝阳上 阴去n 阳去31 阴入朽 阳人?34
温州8 阴平44 阳平31 阴上45 阳上34 ＝阳上 阴去42 阳去22 阴人323 阳入212
永嘉8 阴平44 阳平31 阴上454 阳上243 ＝阳上 阴去42 阳去22 阴人34 阳入213
乐清8 阴平44 阳平31 阴上45 阳上24 二阳上 阴去42 阳去22 阴入323 阳人212
瑞安8 阴平44 阳平31 阴上54 阳上243 ＝阳上 阴去42 阳去22 阴入34 阳人213
洞头8 阴平44 阳平31 阴上45 阳上34 ＝阳上 阴去42 阳去22 阴入323 阳入212
平阳8 阴平44 阳平31 阴上54 ＝阴上 阳上243 阴去42 阳去22 阴入34 阳入213
苍南8 阴平44 阳平21 阴上54 ＝阴上 阳上45 阴去42 阳去22 阴入24 阳人213
文成8 阴平445 阳平113 阴上454 阳上324 二阳上 阴去334 阳去313 阴人24 阳入213
泰顺8 阴平213 5 阴上344 ＝阴上 阳上31 阴去35 阳去22 阴入25 阳人左
浦城7 阴平35 阳平 阴上44 阳上54 阳上阳去 阴去423 阳去21 入声32 人声