第二节 浊上
Section 2: Voiced Category II

在南部吴语的不少方言里，古浊上调已经发生了变化。
In many dialects of Southern Wuyu, a changed has occurred in ancient voiced-onset tone II.
南部吴语古浊上的归并情况主要有以下几种：
These are the main varieties of merger of ancient voiced-onset tone II syllables in Southern Wuyu:
1．浊上归阴上：金华城里，兰溪，磐安中年以下，龙泉。
1. Voiced II have merged into IIA: urban Jinhua, Lanxi, Pan’an under middle-age, and Longquan.
古清上、浊上（包括次浊上和全浊上）字，金华城里今都读［535］调，兰溪今都读［534］调，龙泉今都读［52］调。
Syllables from ancient voiceless and voiced tone II (including obstruents and sonorants) are now all pronounced [535] in urban Jinhua, [534] in Lanxi, and [52] in Longquan.
从表面上看，这种现象似乎也可以看作是古上声不分阴阳。
As seen in the table, this kind of phenomenon can also be seen as ancient tone II not splitting into registers.
不过，赵元任《现代吴语的研究》所记20世纪20年代的金华城里方言分阴上［434］、阳上［423］。
However, Yuan-Ren Chao’s _Modern Wuyu Research_ records that in the 1920s, urban Jinhua did split IIA [434] and IIB [423].
从今天的情况来看，金华城里古全浊声母上声字声母已经清化，［535］调的调值跟周围方言阴上调的高降升型（金华小黄村［535］、汤溪［535］）相对应，所以，金华城里古上声字今全读［535］调应是古浊上字归入阴上的结果。
Looking at the current situation, in urban Jinhua the voiced obstruents in ancient tone II syllables have devoiced, and the tone contour [535] is in agreement with the IIA high falling-rising contours of the surrounding dialects (Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village [535], Tangxi [535]). Therefore, ancient tone II syllables all being pronounced as [535] in urban Jinhua is a result of ancient voiced-onset tone II syllables merging with IIA.
兰溪（赵则玲、陶寰1999）的情况跟金华城里相同。
The situation of Lanxi (Zhao Zeling and Tao Huan 1999) is the same as that of Jinhua.
龙泉的古全浊声母今天已全部清化，但龙泉上声字的高降调值［52］也完全跟周围一些方言的阴上调值（遂昌［52］、云和［53］）相对应，无疑属于阴调类系统，因此，龙泉古上声字今全读［52］调也应当是古浊上字归入阴上（阳上归阴上）的结果，不宜看作古上声不分阴阳或古清上归阳上。
Ancient voiced obstruent onsets are all devoiced in Longquan, but Longquan the high falling contour of tone II [52] is also completely matching the IIA contours of some of the surrounding dialects (Suichang [52], Yunhe [53]), undoubtedly belonging to register A. For this reason, Longquan ancient tone II syllables all being pronounced as [52] also must be a result of ancient voiced-onset tone II syllables merging with IIA (IIB merged with IIA). It is not appropriate to view it as ancient tone II not having a register split or as ancient voiceless-onset tone II merging with IIB.
磐安老年人次浊上、匣母上声字读阴上［434］，除匣母以外的全浊上字读阳上［244］，有的老年人匣母以外的全浊上字也有少数读作阴上，或阴上、阳上又读。
Pan’an older speakers pronounce sonorant onset and *g onset tone II syllables as IIA [434], while other voiced obstruent tone II syllables are pronounced as IIB [244]. Some older speakers pronounce some non-*g voiced obstruent syllables as IIA, or as alternately IIA and IIB.
中年以下的人浊上（包括次浊上和全浊上）字全部读作阴上［434］。
People younger than middle age pronounce all voiced onset tone II syllables (both obstruents and sonorants) as IIA [434].
全浊上字读阴上后全浊声母变为不送气清音。
After tone IIA, the onset of a voiced obstruent tone II syllable is changed to a voiceless unaspirated sound.
2.浊上归阴平：金华小黄村。
2. Voiced tone II merged with IA: Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village.
该方言的单字调系统如下：
This dialect’s isolation tone system is the following:

金华小黄村浊上归阴平以后，古全浊声母上声字读为清音声母，跟清平字混同，古次浊声母上声字也跟部分帮端母平声字（金华小黄村咸山摄帮端母字今读［m n/ɲ］声母）混同，例如：弟＝低 tiɛ334 | 柱＝珠 tɕy34 | 是＝嬉 ɕi 334 | 买＝班 ma 334 | 米＝边 miɛ334
In Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village, after voiced tone II merged with IIA syllables, voiced obstruent onsets of tone II became pronounced as voiceless, the same as voiceless tone I syllables. Ancient sonorant onsets of tone II syllables also mixed with the ‘bang’ and ‘duan’ onset tone I syllables. (In Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village, `bang’ and `duan’ onsets with `xian’ and `shan’ rhymes are now pronounced [m] and [n/ɲ].) For example: 弟＝低 tiɛ334 | 柱＝珠 tɕy34 | 是＝嬉 ɕi 334 | 买＝班 ma 334 | 米＝边 miɛ334
3．次浊上归阴上：磐安老年人，开化部分字，丽水，云和，平阳，苍南，泰顺。
3. Sonorant onset tone II merged into IIA: Pan’an older speakers, some Kaihua syllables, Lishui, Yunhe, Pingyang, Cangnan and Taishun.
4．次浊上归阴去：衢州部分字。
4. Sonorant onset tone II merged into IIIA: some Quzhou syllables.
5．全浊上归阳平：丽水。
5. Voiced obstruent tone II merged into IB: Lishui.
6．全浊上归阳去：衢州，开化，浦城部分字。
6. Voiced obstruent tone II merged into IIIB: Quzhou, Kaihua, some Pucheng syllables.
以上现象表明，在南部吴语中，浊上是一个不稳定的调类，其中次浊上归入其他调类的速度要略快于全浊上。
The above phenomena demonstrate that in Southern Wuyu, voiced tone II is an unstable tone category, in which the speed that sonorant tone II merges with other tone categories is slightly faster than that of voiced obstruent tone II.
在北部吴语以及其他一些方言（如官话）里，古浊上比较常见的归并模式是次浊上归阴上（或上声），全浊上归阳去（或去声）。
In Northern Wuyu as well as other dialects (like Mandarin), a commonly seen merger pattern of ancient voiced tone II is that of voiced obstruent tone II merging with IIA (or just tone II) while sonorant tone II merges with IIIB (or tone III).
在南部吴语中，没有一个地点是完全采用这种归并模式的，只有位于西北角的开化，次浊上有少数字归阴上，多数字和全浊上一起归阳去。
In Southern Wuyu, not a single location completely uses this merger pattern. Only Kaihua in the northwest has some voiced obstruent tone II merging with IIA while the majority merge into IIIB with the sonorants.
只采用次浊上归阴上方式的有磐安老年人、云和、平阳、苍南、泰顺五点。
The pattern of only having sonorants merge with IIA is found in five locations: Pan’an older speakers, Yunhe, Pingyang, Cangnan, and Taishun.
只采用全浊上归阳去方式的有浦城一点，但浦城的全浊上只有部分字归阳去，另一部分字仍读阳上。
The pattern of only having voiced obstruents merge with IIIB is found in one location, Pucheng, but only a portion of Pucheng’s voice obstruent tone II syllables merged into IIIA, and the portion stayed pronounced as IIB.
在古浊上的归并中，金华小黄村浊上归阴平，这种现象在整个南部吴语中显得比较突出。
Among the mergers of ancient voiced tone II, the phenomenon of voiced II merging into IA in Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village stands out among all of Southern Wuyu.
古浊上是否发生变化，以及变化的方式，在地域上看不出明显的规律性。
Geographically there is no obvious pattern about whether or not ancient voiced tone II underwent a change, as well as the manner of change.
只是上丽片的上山小片除开化外都没有发生变化，瓯江片的全浊上都没有发生变化。
Only Shangshan sub-group of Shangli group, except for Kaihua, had no change, and Oujiang group’s voiced obstruent tone II had no change.