Archive for January, 2009

Translation: Jinhua Dialect Rap 十月 (October)

2009 Jan 31 in Translations | Comments (1)

I have never heard this song played in Jinhua, but online this song is semi-internet-famous. It’s a rap song about Jinhua sung in Jinhua dialect. It features 老二 (the second son) from the TV show 二十分可乐, being his usual self. The subtitles are a mixture of Jinhua dialect and Standard Mandarin, but in some places I’m not sure what word they’re actually using, so I can’t really fix it. I’m also not sure what they mean at a few points, but here’s my best shot.

十月 (October)
by 阿楼

十月份的天气
真的是有点好
日里穿汗衫
夜里穿棉袄
街路上的人都匆匆忙忙
好象前面就有得拣钞票
: 那里有呢?勿会咯!
现在到处都在造房子
伐是非典,
侬还要戴口罩.
公园、绿地、
广场倒是到处有
爷爷奶奶都在么个里面逃
October weather
is really pretty good
Wear a t-shirt during the day
Wear a cotton coat at night
People on the street are in a rush
Looks like there he just got paid (?)
: Where? No way!
Now they’re building houses everywhere
To prevent SARS,
you still need to wear a mask
Parks, green spaces,
and plazas are everywhere!
The grandparents are all there exercising
阿侬逃啊逃
阿侬逃啊逃
一口气逃到双龙大桥
双龙大桥是个好地方
龙虾的壳吃得满箩筐
嘴巴抹抹
屁股一拍
:老板 算帐
:谢谢,刚好二百五喏!
:嗯?倒仨不侬!
I run and run
I run and run
In one breath I run to Double Dragon Bridge
Double Dragon Bridge is a good place
I eat enough crayfish shells to fill a big pan
Wipe my face
Pat my rear
: Boss, the tab!
: Thanks, exactly 250!
: What? Idiot you!
["250" also means "half-wit"]
勿赚哪里来个有的吃
勿做哪里来个有的搞
阿郎搞一搞
阿郎搞一搞
侬做多少个么侬赚多少
勿要特着
那日天上掉钞票
:啊?又的拣了… 哪里啦?
No matter where, there’s something to eat
No matter where, there’s something fun to do
We have some fun
We have some fun
You earn as much as you work
When you don’t want to be special,
you’ll lose your cash that day (??)
: What? (????) Where now?
金华个地方真的是有点好
环境不大不小
不吵也不闹
机会不多不少
够你多少赚点钞票
交通有时差 有时好
开汽车还不如
我们开摩托车的好
:叽噪,又发不起了!
Jinhua is really a kinda good place
The surroundings are not big, not small
Not noisy
Opportunities are neither many nor few
Enough for you to earn some cash
Traffic is sometimes bad sometimes good
We don’t drive cars
as well as we drive motorcycles
: Argh, it won’t start again!
高高高,实在是高
个房子的价钱
比那房子还要高
还好咱们中国的传统好
儿女结婚
都是爹娘出钞票
要不然阿郎辛苦多年
只够买个茅坑
没爹娘叫阿郎老婆怎么讨
朋友是多的不得了
名字一般都记不了
今日来个汤溪蛤蟆
明朝来个上海赤佬
High, high, high, in fact it’s high
The price of one house
is even higher than that house
At least our China’s traditions are good
When a kid gets married
the parents give out cash
Otherwise we could live hard for a long time
and only afford an outhouse
Without parents how could we get married
There are so many friends I can’t stand it
I generally can’t remember their names
Today a “toad” from Tangxi came
Tomorrow a “cheat” from Shanghai will come
你来来来
你来来来
叫来来来
你来来来
来咱们金华
阿侬陪侬一起搞
阿侬一起搞
侬有空来嬉哇
阿请侬吃煲
You come come come
You come come come
Call come come come
You come come come
Come to our Jinhua
I will show you some fun
We will fun together
When you have time come play
I will treat you to hot pot

Translation: 南部吴语 Chapter 4 Section 4

2009 Jan 26 in Translations | Comments (0)

第四节 语音变调
Section 4: Phonological tone changes

一 有关变调的一些基本概念
4.1 Some basic concepts related to tone change

1.三种变调
1. Three kinds of tone change
汉语的变调现象从性质上可以分为下面三类:
Chinese tone change phenomena can be divided into the following three kinds based on their characteristics:
(1) 语音变调,即一般所谓的连读变调,是因音节之间的语音关系而产生的变调,如北京话”上声+上声”时前字的变调。
(1) Phonological tone change, the commonly mentioned tone sandhi, is tone change produced by the phonological interaction among syllables, like Beijing dialect’s first syllable tone change in “tone II + tone II” contexts [i.e. third tone sandhi].
(2)语法变调,这是由特定的语法结构关系而产生的变调,如吴语一些方言述宾结构的字组往往具有特殊的变调模式。
(2) Grammatical tone change, which is tone change produced by particular grammatical structures, such as the verb-object structure which frequently has a special tone change pattern in some Wuyu dialects
(3) 语义变调,这是指利用声调的变化来达到特定的语义目的,如南部吴语里普遍存在的”小称变调”,这种变调有时也出现在单音节词里,但从来源上讲也是多音节字组变调进一步发展的结果。
Semantic tone change, which uses tone change to achieve a particular semantic goal, such as the diminutive tone change that is widespread in Southern Wuyu. This kind of tone change sometimes also appears in single-syllable words, but originally is never the result of a multisyllable phrase’s tone change going one step further ????
此外,汉语中所谓的”破读”现象或”声调内部曲折”现象,实质上也可以看作是一种语义变调,只不过这种变调多发生在单音节词之内。
Besides these, the Chinese so-called “broken pronunciation” phenomena or “tone-internal winding” phenomena essentially can also be seen as a kind of semantic tone change, but this kind of tone change usually happens within single-syllable words.
2.其他
2. Others
(1) 变调类型
(1) Tone change types
包括”前变型”和”后变型”。
Including “first-syllable change” and “last-syllable change”
(2)前变型
(2) First-syllable change
前字变,后字不变。
The first syllable changes, and the last syllable doesn’t change.
(3)后变型
(3) Last-syllable change type
后字变,前字不变。
The last syllable changes, and the first syllable doesn’t change.
(4)调类合流
(4) Tone merging
所谓”调类合流”,这里是指不同的单字调在连调中变为相同的调值,这种合流既发生在前字,在有些方言里也发生在后字。
Called “tone merger”, this refers to different citation tones changing into the same tone contour. When this kind of merger has occurred on one syllable, it will also occur on the next syllable in some dialects.
轻声实际上也是一种调类合流,即在轻声中调类的对立消失了。
Neutral tone is in fact also a kind of tone spreading, as with neutral tone, the tone category’s distinctions are lost.
(5)调类复原
(5) Tone recovery
所谓”调类复原”,这里是指在单字调里己经合并成一类了的几个古调类,在连调中仍旧存在某种区别,也就是说具有复现原调类的特性。
Called “tone recovery”, this refers to when a tone has merged with another tone type in citation contexts, but in sandhi contexts it retains some difference, which is to say, it possesses a reappearance of features of the original tone category.
例如汤溪方言单字调浊入归阳上,但在连读调中浊入字和浊上字有时要分开变。
For example, Tangxi dialect citation tone voiced IV is merged with IIB, but in sandhi contexts, voiced IV and voiced II are sometimes changed differently
调类复原现象只出现在发生过单字调调类合并的方言里。
Tone type reappearance only appears in dialects where citation tone types have undergone mergers.
(6)主流变调
(6) Mainstream tone change
一个调类在所有调类之前(作前字时)或之后(作后字时),采取同一种变调调值或基本上采取同一种变调调值,这种变调调值叫做”主流变调”。
If a tone category takes the same tone contour or generally the same contour before any tone (when it is the first syllable) or after any tone (when it is the last syllable), this is called “mainstream tone change”.

二 语音变调的基本情况
4.2 The basic situation of phonological tone change
南部吴语的变调现象总的来说非常复杂,本节先讨论语音变调。
The tone change phenomena of Southern Wu are generally speaking extremely complex, and this section first discusses phonological tone change.
南部吴语11个方言点两字组语音变调的基本情况见表4-3。
The basic situation of disyllabic phonological tone change of 11 dialect locations of Southern Wu can be seen in Table 4-3.
其中,前四栏里的”+”表示变调现象的复杂程度(以”++十”为最复杂),或前、后字变调以及轻声现象的多少(以”十++”为最多);”一”表示”无”或”极少”。
There, the “+” in the first four columns express the complexity level of the tone change phenomena (where “+++” is the most complex), and the abundance of first tone change, last tone change, and neutral tone phenomena (where “+++” is the most abundant). “-” represents “none” or extremely little.
“调类复原”栏里的”+”表示有调类复原现象,”一”表示无调类复原现象。
The “+” in the “Tone category recovery” column means that it has tone recovery phenomena, and “-” indicates that there are no tone recovery phenomena.

表4一3 南部吴语两字组语音变调情况
Table 4-3 Southern Wu disyllable phonological tone change situation
复杂程度 前字变调 后字变调(包括轻声) 轻声 调类复原
complexity initial tone change final tone change (including neutral tone) neutral tone tone recovery
磐安 Pan’an ++十 +十+ ++
金华 Jinhua ++十 十+十 ++
汤溪 Tangxi 十十+ +十+ 十十 十+
龙游 Longyou +十十 十++ 十+ 十+
常山 Changshan ++十 +十+ ++ ++
广丰 Guangfeng ++十 十十+
遂昌 Suichang +十十 +十+ -
云和 Yunhe 十+ +十十 - - -
庆元 Qingyuan +++ - -
文成 Wencheng ++ 十++ - -
温州 Wenzhou +十 ++十 十+ 十十 -

1.复杂程度
1. Complexity level

这里所谓的”复杂程度”,是指一个方言里语音变调现象的多寡,而不是指变调之后声调格局(连调系统)的复杂或简单的程度,因为从南部吴语的情况来看,变调现象的多寡与变调系统的复杂或简单既不构成正比,也不构成反比。
What is here called complexity refers to the number of phonological tone changes in the dialect, and does not refer to the complexity level of the sandhi output patterns, since considering the circumstances of Southern Wu, the number and complexity of tone change phenomena are neither directly nor inversely proportional.
从语音变调现象多寡的角度来看,南部吴语一般都表现得非常复杂。
From the perspective of phonological tone change phenomena, Southern Wu generally displays extraordinary complexity.
尤其是在金华、衢州、上饶等地区,不仅大多数连调组合(字组) 都要发生变调,而且有时候同一种连调组合会具有多种连调模式。
Especially in the regions of Jinhua, Quzhou, Shangrao, etc, not only do the majority of tone groups undergo tone change, but also sometimes a single kind of tone group can have multiple sandhi patterns.
例如金华”阴去+阳去”、”阳去+阳平”各具有三种连调模式,下面是”阴去+阳平”的例子:
For example, Jinhua “IIIA + IB” and “IIIB + IB” each have three kinds of sandhi patterns. Below are examples of “IIIA + IB”:
[55+313] => [33+14]
布鞋 pu55-33a313-14
臭虫 tɕiu55-33dʑioŋ313-14
[33 + 55]
素油 su55-33 iu313-55
细毛(过于细致) (delicate) sie55-33 mɑu313-55
[55+0]
铁门 thia55 məŋ13-0
雪球 sie55 dʑiu313-0

这种”同字组不同变调”的现象,最初也许是由不同的原因导致产生的,例如金华”阴去+阳平”字组中,前字如果是来自清入的字时变调就自成一类([55+0])。
This kind of “same group, different change” phenomena where perhaps at the beginning created by different causes. such as among the Jinhua “IIIA + IB” words, when the first syllable came from voiceless IV, the sandhi tones are one kind ([55+0]).
但在大多数情况下,今天很难找出几种不同的连调模式之间的区别规律来。
But in the majority of cases, it is now very difficult to determine what the rule is that distinguishes among different sandhi patterns.
这使得南部吴语的语音变调在一定程度上呈现为一种”无理”的状态,给我们的研究提出了很大的挑战。
This makes Southern Wu’s phonological tone change appear, to a certain degree, like a kind of senseless situation, and raise a big challenge for our research.
在南部吴语的南端如庆元、浦城等地,语音变调现象相对来说比较简单。
In the southernmost part of Southern Wu, like Qingyuan and Pucheng, phonological tone change phenomena are in contrast fairly simple.
庆元只有阴平、阳去作前字时发生变调,浦城只有阴平、阳平作前字时发生少量的变调。
Qingyuan only has tone change when the initial syllable is IA or IIIB. Pucheng only has a little tone change when the initial syllable is IA or IB.
2.变调类型
2. Kinds of tone change
从变调类型来看,南部吴语的语音变调以”前变型”为主,在位于较南部的云和、庆元、浦城、泰顺等地,后字一律不变调。
As far as types of tone change, Southern Wu’s phonological tone change consists primarily of “initial syllable change”, and in places in the south like Yunhe, Qingyuan, Pucheng, and Taishun, the final syllable generally doesn’t change.
3.调类合流
Tone category merging
虽然南部吴语的语音变调现象相当繁杂,但在另一方面,连调中的调类合流现象也十分突出。
Though Southern Wu phonological tone change phenomena are fairly diverse, in another respect sandhi tone merger phenomena are also very prominent.
例如,武义方言有8个单字调,64种两字连调组合(两字组),而连调模式只有27种(傅国通1984:113),差不多相当于5个单字调的连调组合(5X5=25)。
For example, Wuyi dialect has 8 citation tones, and thus 64 types of disyllable sandhi groups, yet there are only 27 kinds (Fu Guotong 1984:113) of sandhi patterns, approximately equal to the sandhi groups of 5 citation tones (5 x 5 = 25).
原因是连调中不同调类的前字发生大量合流现象,例如阴上[53]、阳上[13]、阳去[31]作前字时都变作[11]调,阴入[?51]、阳入[?212]作前字时都变作[?55]调。
The reason is that in sandhi, the different tone types in the initial syllable mostly undergo merger. For example IIA [53], IIB [13] and IIIB [31] as initial syllable all change to [11] tone, and IVA [?51] and IVB [?212] as initial syllable both change to [?55] tone.
又如,汤溪方言有7个单字调(浊入归阳上),因浊上字和浊入字在连调中表现不同(调类复原),分开计算,共有64种两字连调组合(两字组),而连调模式只有20种,只相当于4.5个单字调的连调组合(4.5 x 4.5=20.25),详见下文。
Or again, Tangxi dialect has 7 citation tones (voiced IV merged with IIB), and because voiced tone II syllables and voiced tone IV syllables in sandhi act differently (tone type recovery), including this separation there are 64 kinds of disyllable sandhi groups, yet there are only 20 sandhi patterns, equivalent to the sandhi groups of just 4.5 citation tones (4.5 x 4.5 = 20.25). See the next section for details.
4.调类复原
4. Tone type recovery
从南部吴语的情况来看,凡是在单字调里合并了的几个古调类,在连调中往往不同程度地存在区别,也就是说具有调类复原的现象。
Looking at the situation in Southern Wu, all ancient tone categories that merged in isolated syllables often to varying degrees maintain a distinction in sandhi. That is to say, they display tone type recovery phenomena.
例如永康方言,单字调清入归阴上都读[35]调,浊入归阳上都读[13]调;连调中作前字时,来自古上声的阴上、阳上一律变作[11],来自古清入的阴上一律变作[33],来自古浊入的阳上一律变作[22]。
For example in Yongkang dialect, voiceless IV merged with IIA in citation form, pronounced [35], and voiced IV merged with IIB, pronounced [13]. But when the initial syllable in sandhi, the IIA and IIB syllables that came from ancient tone II all change to [11], while IIA from ancient IVA changes to [33] and IIB from ancient IVB changes to [22].
在连调中,尽管在单字调里不同的清上字和浊上字已经丧失了区别,在单字调里相同的古入声字跟古上声字之间反而还存在区别(袁家哗等1983:84)。
In sandhi, whether or not voiceless and voiced tone II have already lost their distinction in citation form, the ancient tone IV and ancient tone II that are identical in citation form still maintain their difference (Yuan Jiahua et al. 1983:84).
磐安、金华、汤溪等地也有类似现象,汤溪方言的情况可参看下文。
Locations Pan’an, Jinhua, Tangxi etc. also have similar phenomena, and the situation of Tangxi dialect can be viewed in the next section.
5. 三字组的变调
5. Tone change of trisyllabic groups
南部吴语三字组的语音变调一般都采取以下模式:
Southern Wu phonological tone change of trisyllabic groups generally adopts the following patterns.
即第一、二两个音节构成一个两字组,第一个音节按两字组的前字变;第二、三两个音节构成一个两字组,第二个音节按两字组的前字变,第三个音节按两字组的后字变。
The first and second syllables constitute a disyllable group, and the first syllable changes according to the initial syllable of the disyllable group. The second and third syllables also constitute a disyllable group, and the second syllable changes as the initial syllable, and the third syllable changes as the disyllable final syllable.
与两字组的变调规律略有不同的是,在两字组变调中,同一调类的前字在不同的调类前有时有不同的变调,甚至在同一个调类前也会有不同的变调;但在三字组变调中,第一个音节往往不管第二个音节是什么调类,一律采取同一种变调,这种变调一般是该调类在两字组的前字位置时最为常见的那种变调调值(即”主流变调”)。
What the tone change rules of disyllabic groups differ on is that among disyllabic tone changes, a single category of initial syllable has a different tone change when in front of different categories, or even in front of a single category there can be different tone changes. But among the tone changes of trisyllabic groups, the first syllable usually doesn’t care what category the second syllable is, and always adopts the same change. That change is generally the tone contour form most often seen in the initial syllable of disyllabic tone change (i.e. mainstream tone change).
因此,三字组的这种连调模式也可以看作是”1+(2+3)”的模式。
For this reason, trisyllabic sandhi patterns can also be viewed as “1+(2+3)” patterns.
例如,武义方言三字组中第一个音节的变调规律:阴平[24]、阳平[213]、阴去[53]一律变[55],阴上[55]、阳上[13]、阳去[31]一律变[11],阴入[?51]、阳入[?212]一律变[?55](傅国通1984:116)。
For example, in Wuyi dialect the first syllable in trisyllabic groups has this tone change rule: IA [24], IB [213], and IIIA [53] always change to [55], IIA [55], IIB [13], and IIIB [31] always change to [11], and IVA [?51] and IVB [?212] always change to [?55] (Fu Guotong 1984: 116).
又如,金华方言三字组中第一个音节的变调规律:阴平[334]、阳平[313]、阴去[55]一律变[33],阴上[535]、阳去[14]一律变[55](阳去在阴去、阳去前有时变[33]),阴入[?4]不变,阳入[?212]一律变[?21]。
Or again, in Jinhua dialect the first sylalble in trisyllabic groups has this tone change rule: IA [334], IB [313], and IIIA [55] all change to [33], IIA [535] and IIIB [14] change to [55] (IIIB does sometimes change to [33] before IIIA and IIIB), IVA [?4] doesn’t change and IVB [?212] all changes to [?21].
汤溪方言的情况可参看下文。
For the situation of Tangxi dialect, see the following section.

三 汤溪方言的语音变调
4.3 Phonological tone change of Tangxi dialect
1.两字组的语音变调
1. Disyllabic phonological tone change
表4-4的表左是前字调类,表端是后字调类,表中是连读调和例词。
The left column of Table 4-4 is the tone category of the initial syllable, and the final syllable tone categories are across the top, with the middle of the table showing sandhi tones and example words.
由表4-4可以看出,汤溪方言的两字组语音变调以前字变调为主,后字也有一些变调,其中以轻声居多。
As can be seen in Table 4-4, Tangxi dialect disyllabic phonological tone change primarily involves change on the initial syllable, and there are also some changes on the final syllable, the majority of which are neutral tone.
在65种两字组(”阳入+阴平”变调时分两类,这里按两种计)中,有41种只变前字不变后字,有8种只变后字不变前字,有16种前后字都变。
Among the 65 types of disyllable groups (”IVB + IVA” are divided into two kinds, and are counted as two here), there are 41 types that only change the initial syllable and not the final one, 8 types that only change the final syllable and not the initial one, and 16 types that change both syllables.
从前字来看,前字变调大致上可以分成三大类,表中用双线隔开,即阴平、阳平、阴去作前字时多变作[33]调,阳去、阳上、阳入作前字时多变作[11]调,阴上、阴入作前字时多变作[52],但在平声、去声前面时往往有例外。
Looking at the initial syllables, initial syllable tone change can essentially be divided into to three broad types. In the table a double line is used to dive these types: IA, IB, and IIIA as initial mostly change to [33]; IIIB, IIB, and IVB as initial syllable mostly change to [11]; and IIA and IVA as initial syllable mostly change to [52], but when in front of tone types I and III, there are many exceptions.
从后字来看,可以分成变调和不变调两类,表中用粗线隔开,粗线以上、以左的后字变调,粗线以下、以右的后字不变调。
Looking at the final syllables, they can be divided into two categories of those that change and those that don’t. In the table a thick line divides them. Above and to the left of the line, the final syllable changes, and below and to the right, the final syllable doesn’t change.
后字变调最主要地出现在平声作后字时,其次出现在去声作后字时,阳入位于阴平、阳平、阴去后面时也发生变调。
Final syllable tone change primarily appears on tone I when it is the final syllable, and secondarily appears on tone III as final syllable. It also occurs on IVB when after IA, IB and IIIA.
65种两字连调组合经变调后归并为20种连调模式。
The 65 kinds of disyllable sandhi groups merge to become 20 sandhi patterns after tone change.
阳上和阳入在单字调里完全相同,在两字组连调中,大多数情况下也已经没有区别了,但在阴平、阳平的前面,在阴平、阳平、阴去的后面仍旧存在区别(调类复原)。
IB and IVB in isolation are completely identical, and in disyllabic sandhi, the majority of contexts also don’t have any distinction any more, but before IA and IB, and after IA, IB and IIIA, the distinction is still maintained (tone category recovery).
例如:红瓦(红色的瓦) ao11-33 uo 113 /= 红镬(炒菜时不放油) ao11-33 uo 113-24。
For example, 红瓦 (`red tile’) ao11-33 uo 113 /= 红镬 (`frying without oil’ , lit. `red pot’) ao11-33 uo 113-24.

表4-4 汤溪方言两字组语音变调表
Table 4-4 Tangxi dialect disyllabic phonological tone change table
阴平24 阳平11 阴去52 阳去341 阳上113 阳入113 阴上535 阴入55
阴平24 24 0
东风
nɑo fɑo
124 0
清明
tshei mei
24 0
书记
ɕi tɕi
24 0
医院
i iɤ
33 113
中柱
tɕiɑo dʑi
33 24
中药
tɕiɑo io
33 535
天井
thie tsei
133 55
中国
tɕiɑo kuɛ
阳平11 113 0
良心
lɤ sei
113 0
农民
nɑo mei
113 0
脾气
bi tɕhi
113 0
田地
die di
33 113
盐卤
ie lu
33 24
虫药
dʑ-tɕiɑo io
33 535
门口
mai khɯ
33 55
颜色
uo sɛ
阴去
52
33 52
汽车
tɕhi tsha
24 0
布鞋
pu a
33 52
裤带
khu tɑ
24 0
性命
sei mei
133 113
破桶
phɑ dɑo
33 24
中毒
tɕiɑo d-tɔ
33 535
对手
tɛ ɕiəɯ
33 55
货色
xuɤ sɛ
阳去
341
11 52
外公
a kao
113 0
弄堂
lɑo do
11 52
病痛
bei thɑo
113 0
夜饭
iɑ vo
11 113
味道
vi də
11 113
事实
zɿ ʑiɛ
11 535
面孔
mie khɑo
11 55
办法
bo fo
阳上
113
11 52
下风
uo fao
11 11
罪名
zɛ mei
11 52
眼镜
uo tɕiei
11 341
冷饭
iɑ vo
11 113
道理
də li
11 113
老实
lə ʑie
11 535
老虎
Iə xu
11 55
道德
də tɛ
阳入
113
113 0
学生
uo sa
—–
11 52
浴汤
iɔ tho
113 0
毒蛇
dɔ ʑia
11 52
力气
lei tɕhi
11 341
月亮
ɳiɤ lɤ
11 113
侄女
dʑie na
11 113
蔑席
mie zei
11 535
石板
za mo
11 55
蜡烛
lo tɕiɔ
阴上
535
52 52
比方
pi fo
52 11
狗熊
kɯ iɑo
52 52
海带
xɛ tɑ
52 341
本事
mai zɿ
152 113
早稻
tsə də
‘52 113
体力
thie lei
152 535
火腿
xuɤ thɛ
152 55
粉笔
fai pei
阴入
55
55 0
国家
kuɛ kuo
55 0
铁门
thia mai
62 52
发票
fo phie
52 341
出路
tɕhiɤ lu
152 113
谷雨
kɔ i
152 113
法律
fo lei
52 535
结果
tɕie kuɤ
152 55
铁索
thia so

2.三字组的语音变调
2. Trisylllabic phonological tone change
汤溪方言三字组语音变调的规律为:第一个音节,阴平[24]、阳平[11]、阴去[52〕一律变[33],阳去[341]、阳上〔113]、阳入[113]一律变[11],阴上【535]、阴入【55」一律变〔52,跟两字组前字的主流变调相同;第二、三两个音节,基本上跟两字组的连调模式相同。例如:
Tangxi dialect trisyllabic phonological tone change rules are: On the first syllable, IA [24], IB [11] and IIIA [52] all change to [33], IIIB [341], IIB and IVB [113] all change to [11], and IIA [535] and IVA [55] all change to [52], the same as mainstream initial syllable tone change in disyllabic sandhi. For example:

汤溪方言三字组共有8x8x8=512 种连调组合,第一个音节的三种变调与后面两字组的20种连调模式相配,实际上只有60种三字组连调模式,差不多相当于4个单字调的连调组合(4x4x4=64)。
Tangxi dialect trisyllabic sandhi has 8x8x8=512 types of sandhi groups, but when the three kinds of first syllable sandhi tones are matched with the 20 kinds of disyllabic sandhi patterns, there are actually just 60 types of trisyllabic sandhi patterns, approximately equivalent to the sandhi groups of 4 citation tones (4x4x4=64).
3.四字组的语音变调
3. Four-syllable phonological tone change
汤溪方言四字组语音变调的规律为:第一个音节跟三字组首字的变调规律完全相同,后三个
音节跟三字组的连调模式完全相同。例如:
Tangxi dialect rules for phonological tone change of four-syllable groups is: the first syllable is exactly the same as the first syllable in a trisyllabic group, and the other three syllables are exactly the same as the trisyllabic sandhi patterns. For example:

第一字阴平
1st Syll IA
收音机
ɕiəɯ24-11 iei24tɕi24-0
开后门
khɛ24-33 əɯ113-11 mai11
第一字阳平
1st Syll IB
黄鼠狼
ɑo11-33tshɿ535-52lo11
油菜叶
iəɯ11-33tshɛ52-33ie113-24
第一字阴上
1st Syll IIA
讲土话
kuo535-52 thu535-52 uɤ341
起黑心
tɕhi535-52 xɛ55 sei24-0
第一字阳上
1st Syll IIB
老毛病
lə113-11 mə11-113bei341-0
后熟米
əɯ113-11ʑiɔ113-11mie113
第一字阴去
1st Syll IIIA
汽车头
tɕhi52-33tshɑ24dəɯ11-0
做作业
tsɤ52-33tso55-52ɲie113
第一字阳去
1st Syll IIIB
办公室
bo34-11kɑo24-33ɕiɛ55
大白菜
dɤ341-11 ba113-11 tshɛ52
第一字阴入
1st Syll IVA
八仙桌
po55-52sie24-33tɕi055
吃老酒
tɕiei55-52 lə113-11tsəɯ535
第一字阳入
1st Syll IVB
墨水瓶
mɛ 113-11ɕiei535-52bei11
六月六
lɔ113-11ŋiɤ113-11lɔ113

Dialect Research Summary

2009 Jan 14 in Uncategorized | Comments (0)

This is a summary of my research project, written for a class.

The tone sandhi systems of Wu Chinese, like those of many Min and Gan dialects, offer rich ground for understanding the phonology of tone. With typically six to eight citation tones and complex sandhi patterns, each language offers a challenge to analysis, and there is a high degree of geographic and generational variation. Significant generational variation has been recorded for at least a century, and ultimately the great regional variation must have arisen from generational variation, but with China’s economic development, the regional differences have experienced leveling while the generational differences have likely increased. In Jinhua, a city in the southern Wu zone, Mandarin is replacing Wu even in the home and marketplace, so that few people born after 1990 speak it all, and those born in the previous decade have limited vocabularies and strong Mandarin influence in their Wu. In view of these things, it is important to document the language as well as interesting to examine the phonology and generational differences.

Previous phonological documentation of the dialects in the Jinhua area consist of one large dictionary, one dialectology survey of the region that included Jinhua and one village nearby, and one acoustic study of citation tones. For each of these studies, the tone data comes from just one informant, and the two sets of sandhi data differ considerably. Using methods similar to other acoustic sandhi studies, I recorded six speakers born in the 1980s and four speakers born before 1950, who all spoke the dialect of urban Jinhua, and five speakers (three young, two older) from a village about 10 km outside the city. I expect to compile average sandhi contours for each group and compare the inter-group variation. I also intend to provide a phonological analysis of the sandhi patterns and try to identify the causes of intra-group variation.

Buttkicking: Jan 13

2009 Jan 13 in Buttkicking | Comments (0)

In the past month:

  • I recorded a couple more young people from the city, but was not able to record any more older people, as I had hoped. I also did not record the monosyllable list with anyone from the city, but I’m hoping I won’t need it.
  • I went on vacation and moved back to SD.
  • I started segmenting the recordings.

In the next couple weeks:

  • I need to get the recordings all segmented into the individual sound files.
  • I should translate the next section of 南部吴语.
  • There are other things with the discourse and Harmonic Grammar projects that I’ve been thinking about, but I will refrain from making any goals there until I get over the boring part of this dialect project.
第一字阴平
1st Syll IA
中中心心(正中)
tɕiɑo24-33tɕiɑo24-33sei24sei24-0
第一字阳平
1st Syll IB
魂灵七魄(魂魄)
uai11-33lei11-33tshei55-52 pha55
第一字阴上
1st Syll IIA
九月重阳
tɕiəɯ535-52 ɲiɤ113-11 dʑiɑo11-113io11-0
第一字阳上
1st Syll IIB
坐长寿夜(守岁)
zɤ113-11dʑ-tɕio11-33ʑ-ɕiəɯ341-24iɑ341-0
第一字阴去
1st Syll IIIA
四面八方
si52-33 mie34-11po55 fao24-0
第一字阳去
1st Syll IIIB
大红花轿
dɤ341-11ɑo11-33 xuo24 dʑiə341-0
第一字阴入
1st Syll IVA
隔壁邻舍
ka55-52pei55-52lei11-113ɕiɑ52-0
第一字阳入
1st Syll IVB
十字路口
ʑiɛ113-11zɿ341-11lu341-11khɯ 535