Translation of chapter 4 section 6 of 曹志云 (2002) 南部吴语语音研究. The original is at the bottom.

4.6 Semantic tone change
In contrast with phonological and grammatical tone change, semantic tone change uses tone change to achieve a particular semantic purpose. In Southern Wu, diminutive tone change is representative of semantic tone change. The majority of dialects select a high tone to mark diminutives, showing that there is close relationship between tone level and diminutive semantics. For example, in Qingyuan dialect, “农” is pronounced with citation tone ①L [52] ([noŋ52]) when is means person, and when it is pronounced with diminutive tone [55] ([noŋ55]), it means “picture”. Diminutive tone change is discussed in more detail in Chapter 5.
Besides diminutive tone change, the phenomenon of “internal winding” also displays the semantic function of tone change. In Southern Wu, tone-internal winding is rather common. Here we take a few examples from Tangxi dialect (which do not include cases of semantic distinctions that arise from differences between phonological tone change and grammatical or diminutive tone change).

Unedited OCR of original:

语义变调跟语音变调、语法变调相对而言，是利用声调的变化来达到特定的语义目的的现象。在南部吴语中，小称变调是一种典型的语义变调。多数方言均选择高调作为小称调，说明调值和小称意义之间具有密切的联系。例如庆元方言，“农”读本调阳平〔52 ] ( [ noiJ52 ] )时义为“人”，读小称调［551 ( [ nor355 ]）时就是“画儿”的意思。小称变调问题将放在第五章里专门详细讨论。

除了小称变调以外，声调的“内部曲折’，现象也是声调语义功能的‘一种表现。在南部吴语里，声调的内部曲折现象比较多见。这里举一些汤溪方言的例子（不包括因语音变调与语法变调、小称变调的不同而区别意义的情况）。
毛ma 1‘名词：鸡一
m324动词，下（毛毛雨）：毛毛雨儿一来罢下起毛毛雨来了木M3 113名词：树一
mo55形容词，（冻致）麻木：脚冻冻一扦tslie24动词，插：一花
ts’ie5“名词，篱笆：一堵一
坑kh扩4名词，较大的水道，多指洗涤用的水道
kha52①名词，较小的水道。②动词，排（水）：点儿水一出去爷iall父亲：一娘
1×52爷爷
腰1a24腰部
1a535肾：猪一
A ZQO11形容词，庸碌无能：一货笨蛋
ZQ034‘一；iao 4‘名词，精液
弄1×0341窗
1xO24泛义动词，搞：一点儿钞票用用loll窗，含诙谐义
老师la 11，一，1 Z12‘工匠：剃头一
la113-525124-0教师：王一
大农dy34‘一“3nao11-0大人、成人：一欺小农儿，大人欺小孩儿

dy34，一‘Inao“长辈，多指公婆：渠眼里无一个她眼里没有尊长后日。w113-11 T)6iei113以后
aw113r}iei113-0后天
六月10 113 aiy113-0①六月份。②夏天
1×113-11 r& 113专指夏天
清楚tShei24-33tShu535清楚：账算一
tShei24tShu535-0清新、整洁：渠房里顶一他的房间最清洁前后Z-Sie11-33 aw113前和后：弗顾一不顾前不顾后
Z-Sle11-33 aU-1 113-24副词，反正：一来得及个，摇慌反正来得及，别急

Translation of chapter 4 section 5 of 曹志云 (2002) 南部吴语语音研究. The original is at the bottom.

4.5 Grammatical tone change

Grammatical tone changes are related to specific grammatical structures, generally occuring in phrases that have fairly loose composition.
The performance of grammatical tone change is fairly delicate. Only by thorough meticulous survey can its patterns be discovered. In the course of a general dialect survey, it is very easy to mistake grammatical tone change for phonological tone change phenomena, and classify it as phonological tone change. This actually one of the reasons that have made some dialect sandhi systems appear unusually complicated.
Grammatical tone change is a kind of tone change that is common in Southern Wu. According to our current understanding of the situation, Jinhua, Tangxi, Pan’an, Yongkang, Wuyi, Quzhou, Longyou, Kaihua, Changshan, Yushan, Qingtian, Qingyuan, Wenzhou, Taishun, and others, to varying degrees, all have grammatical tone change phenomena. The following takes Tangxi dialect as an example, simply to introduce grammatical tone change in Southern Wu.

4.5.1 Verb-object form

In many dialects of Southern Wu, there is often a difference between verb-object form tone change and other forms. But the words that have this kind of different outcome in each dialect are not at all the same.
In Tangxi dialect, verb-object form tone change is limited to words that have ①H tone in the last syllable. The pattern of disyllabic verb-object tone change is: first syllable ①H [24], ①L [11], and ③H [52] all change to [33]; ③L [341], ②L [113], and ④L [113] all change to [11]; and ②H [535], and ④H [55] all change to [52]. Just like mainstream initial tone change, the second syllable doesn’t change. For example:

It must be said that the difference between Tangxi dialect verb-object form and non-verb-object forms is not completely strict. Some non-verb-object words also follow verb-object pattern tone change. For example: 杭州 uo213-33tɕiəɯ24 ‘Hangzhou’, and 火车 xuɤ535-53tshɑ24 ‘train’.

4.5.2 Number-measure form

1. Numbers other than ‘one’ + measure word
When a number is not 1, the Tangxi dialect disyllabic number-measure form tone change pattern is:
(1) Tone ② number + H measure word: first syllable ②H [535] becomes [52], and ②L [113] becomes [11], and the second syllable changes to [52].
(2) In other situations, the first syllable doesn’t change, and the second syllable becomes neutral tone. For example:

2. ‘One’ + measure word

The tone change of “’one’ + measure word” is idiosyncratic. “One” before a measure word is always pronounced [i-52], and it is unclear what its isolation tone is. The measure word after the “one” H register tones are pronounced [52] (the same as ③H contour), L register tones (except for ①L) are pronounced [341] (the same as ③L contour), and ①L [11] usually doesn’t change, though sometimes it also changes to [52] or [341]. For example:

лаптоп

4.5.3 Double measure word

[Two measure words together (usually meaning every item) can be different too. In Tangxi, the first one changes like the measure word in the “one”+measure word construction, and the second changes to a neutral tone, like 张张 tɕio24-52tɕio24-0, and 个个 kɑ52kɑ52-0.]

4.5.4 Adjective-measure form

[Adjective + measure word are different too. In Tangxi, the tone on the adjective changes like in normal disyllabic sandhi, and the measure word changes like the measure word in the “one” + measure word pattern, except the [52] tones can alternately be pronounced [535].]

4.5.5 Double verb, verb-pronoun, verb-directional, verb-measure, particle, and locative forms

[These other constructions can have different tone change. In Tangxi, they depend mostly on the tone of the first syllable, and frequently involve neutralization of the second syllable.]

4.5.6 X character form

[When referring to a character, in Tangxi, the character pronunciation typically retains its isolation tone, and 'character' (字 zɿ341) take a neutral tone.]

4.5.7 Verb-resultative, subject-predicate, and compound adjective forms

[With few exceptions, these word groups don't change in Tangxi.]

[Below is the OCR of the original, not cleaned up as much as usual. Hopefully it's still helpful for finding what kind of information is there.]

第五节语法变调

语法变调跟特定的语法结构相联系，一般出现于结构比较松散的词组里面。

语法变调的表现比较微妙，只有进行深入细致的调查才能找出它的规律。

在做一般性方言调查的时候，很容易把语法变调当作语音变调现象，归入语音变调。

这实际上也是造成一些方言语音变调规律异常复杂的原因之一。
语法变调是南部吴语里普遍存在的一种变调现象。
据我们现在了解到的情况，在金华、汤溪、磐安、永康、武义、衙州、龙游、开化、常山、玉山、青田、庆元、温州、泰顺等地，都不同程度地存在着语法变调现象。
下面以汤溪方言为例，简要介绍南部吴语中的语法变调。

一述宾式

在南部吴语的不少方言里，述宾式的变调往往跟非述宾式有区别。
但这种区别究竟存在于哪些连调组合（字组）里，各方言并不一致。
在汤溪方言里，述宾式变调自成规律的字组限于后字为阴平的字组。
两字组述宾式的变调规律是：前字阴平[24]、阳平[11]、阴去[52]一律变[33]，阳去[341]、阳上[113]、阳入[113]一律变[11]，阴上[535]、阴入[55]一律变[52]，跟两字组前字的主流变调相同；后字一律不变。

例如：

述宾式非述宾式

阴平＋阴平开封启封khF24-33fa0 4开封地名khe24fa024-0
阳平＋阴平爬山b-po“一，3SO‘南风nsl‘一，13faO24-0
阴上＋阴平起风tf.hi53，一，2fao 4比方pi 53，一，2fao2‘一，，
阳上＋阴平有心iaul113-11 sei24下风U0113-11 fa024-52
阴去＋阴平放心fa052-33sei24背心PE52-33Sei24-52
阳去＋阴平念经r),ie34‘一“toiei24大溪dy34‘一‘1toie24-52
阴入＋阴平杀鸡。055-52tQie24北京pe55tgiei24-0
阳入＋阴平读书da113-11CA24石灰za113XUe24-0 1宅村地名dza113一11tSIY 4-52

需要说明的是，汤溪方言述宾式与非述宾式的区别并不是十分严格的，一些非述宾式的字组也按述宾式的规律变调。
例如：杭州U0213-33tQlaLU24｝火车XUX535-53tsha24 o

二数量式

1．非“一”＋量词
当数词不是“一”的时候，汤溪方言两字组数量式的变调规律为：
(1）上声数词＋阴调量词：前字阴上［535］变［52]，阳上［113」变[it]，后字都变［52]；
(2）其他情况前字不变，后字变轻声。
例如：
阴平＋量词三张s024t,io 4-”三袋5024 d产1-0
阳平＋量词（缺例）
阴上＋量词九本toiau1535-52mai535-52几尺ke535-52tvhiE55-52
九年t9iaul535r}iel‘一。几袋ke535 de 341-0
阳上＋量词两张iia113-llt9i024-52五块9113-”k hUE52
两桶iia113da0113-0五日X113 r}ieil 13-0
阴去＋量词四块si52 khUS52-0半日m852Ibiei113-0
阳去＋量词廿个rbie341 ka52-0二两}341 1y113-0
阴入＋量词七支tShe155tS,i24-0八层讨5zaill-0
阳入＋量词六张13113tQio24-0十桶；ic113dao113-02.“一”十量词
“一十量词”的变调自成规律。
“一”在量词前面一律读【i -52］，单字调不明。
“一”后面的量词，阴调类均读作【52]（同阴去调值），阳调类除阳平以外均读作【341]（同阳去调值），阳平〔11]一般不变，有时也变作［52］或［341]。
例如：
一＋阴平量词一张i-52tQio24-52一双i-520iao24-52一＋阳平量词一层i-52zai“一篮i-521011
一头i-52d-tatul1-52一月1 -52boll -341一＋阴上量词一本i -52 rilai535-52一碗i-52U 535-52一＋阳上量词一领i -52 lei’ 13-34‘一桶1-52dQo113-341一＋阴去量词一个i-52 kQ52一套i -52th驴2
一＋阳去量词一段i -52 dai34‘一份i -52 V ai341
一＋阴入量词一节i-52tSia55-52一桌1-52to1055-52一＋阳入量词一日i -5217,1eil 13-34‘一盒i -52 y113-341

三，盛式

量叠式是指量词重叠结构，例如：
个个：渠三个儿一口tha55吓农本事他三个儿子每一个都很能干。
本本：口9矛13些书一口th355吓农好望这些书每一本都很好看。
汤溪方言量叠式的前字变调规律为：阴调类均变作【52](同阴去调值），阳调类除阳平以外均变作【341]（同阳去调值），阳平【11」不变—跟上文“一十量词”里的量词的变调规律基本相同；后字都变作轻声。
例如：
阴平支支ts124-52ts124-0张张tQio24-52t,10 4-0
阳平阴上阳上阴去阳去阴入阳入
排排ball ball-0
朵朵t}535一，2ty535一。领领lei’ 13-341lei’13-0个个ka52ka52一。
样样i0141 i0341-0
尺尺to hie55-52t沪155-0盒盒￥113-34‘二“3-0
层层zaill zail l-0
本本mai535-52mai535-0桶桶dao113-341dao113-0对对t,52te52-0
袋袋de 341 de 34‘一。
节节tSia55-52tSia51-0
勺勺；ioI”一，417,iO113-0

四 形里式

形量式是指“形容词＋量词”的结构。
汤溪方言有些形容词可以直接加在量词前面，例如“大张一个纸”。
两字组形量式的变调规律为：
前字（形容词）阴平［24]、阴去〔52〕变f33]，阴上〔535]、阴入〔55」变〔52],阳平［11〕不变，阳上【113]、阳去［341]、阳入［113］变［11]—跟两字组语音变调中前字的变调规律大致相同；
后字阴调类均变作【52]（同阴去调值）一【535]（同阴上调值）又读，阳调类除阳平以外均变作【341]（同阳去调值），阳平〔11]不变—跟上文“一十量词”的量词、量叠式里的前字的变调规律大致相同。

例如（举例中的“个”是“的”的意思）：
大堆一个沙dx34，一‘1tC24-52一dy34，一‘1tS24-535
大朵一个花dy34‘一‘1ty535-52一dy34，一’1 t X535
重担一个柴d7,iCl 0113-11 n052一d};iao113-11 n52-535长节一个甘蔗d7,iolltsia55-52一郎iolltsia55-535
成箩一个谷7,iailllall
大领一个席dx3“一‘Ilei113-341粗段一个树tshu24-33dai341
大勺一个水dy34，一，17,10113-341

有些“形容词十名词”结构虽然跟形量式同形，但形名结构的变调属于一般的语音变调，跟形量式的语法变调不同。
例如：大堆一个－d护4‘一“t扩4｝重担一副一d7,iao113一‘1 n052｝大勺一个一dy34‘一“7,iO113 0

五 动叠式，动代式，动趋式，动里式，X助式，方位式

动叠式是指动词重叠结构，如“讲讲”。
动代式是指“动词十代词”的结构，如“骂我”。
动趋式是指“动词十趋向动词”的结构，如“走来”。
动量式是指“动词十量词”的结构，如“买包一香烟”。

X助式是指“动词、名词、形容词或代词十助词（包括词尾、句末疑问词）”的结构，如“想着”、“去未？”
方位式是指“名词或代词十方位词”的结构，如“路上”、“日里”。
这些格式的两字组变调规律是：前字是平声、去声、阴入的，前字不变，后字变轻声；前字是上声、阳入的，阴上变〔52]，阳上、阳入变[11],后字都变〔52]。即：
前字后字连调模式
阴平〔24]、阳平［11]、阴去［52]、阳去【341]、阴入［55] X本调＋轻声阴上〔5351 X [52 + 521
阳上［113]、阳入［1131 X [11+52]
例如：
动叠式动代式动趋式
前字阴平烘烘.0024X,024-0敲打我k-h,24,1”一“收来g1a112 4IE11-O前字阳平爬爬b,11 b011-0烦渠他VOll 9w11-“逃去dal l llhaw52-0
前字阴上讲讲kil0535-52kUO535-52请尔tshei535-52沪3-52解开kQ535-520,24-52前字阳上坐坐。113-11Z_SY113-52买尔Ma113-11113-52上来ZiO113-11iel‘一，2前字阴去种种WO耐2tyiO052。向渠他giO52 gw11-。进来tsei521E11-0
前字阳去间问。341mai341-0骂我M,341a113｛撞去dZiaO341khaW52-0前字阴入吃吃tg”iei55tg’iei55-“接我tSie55a113-“接来tSie551El1-o
前字阳入嚼嚼ZY113-11 Z_SY113-52罚渠他V0113-11 9-kuill-52学去U0113-l l k ,0352

动量式X助式方位式

前字阴平开张一票1s?’o1teio24“开口开着0E24da113-“缸里kllo 41ill3-o前字阳平裁块一布二Ilkhu#52-o渠道他们sail Itao田里die’ 1li113-0
前字阴上写封一信sias35-52foo 4-52想着SY535-52 d$-tpi0113-52姊口姐姐那里tsi535-52d-ta113-52前字阳上买管一锁二，13-llk00535-52我道我们0113-Ilta-52哪里哪个里头iall3-Ilii113-52前字阴去唱个一歌儿t$h1052k052-“去未去没去khaW52Mi341-“世上。i,52耐41-0
前字阳去换样一东西u 341i0341-“卖弗卖不卖M0341fE55-“路上1ll341称 0341-0前字阴人吃碗一饭teiei55U0535-“雪般一白sie55MYo北面夕5Mie34l-o
前字阳人择双一鞋dza113-11 x,024-52熟未熟没熟称0113-11Mi341-52席上Zeil13-117._910341-52
一些地名的变调不符合一般的语音变调规律，而跟方位式相同，例如：枫坞fa024 u535-0 I陈村d7,iai11 tSh Y24-0 I戴家ts52kUO 4-0。
在另一方面，一些表示处所、时间的词语的变调往往不同于方位式，无明显规律可寻，例如：外面0134‘一，1 mie341｝里头1i113-11 daw“一’13｝头前前面d-tatu11-33 ziel’一’13｝前年z-sie11-331}iel‘一川｝后日后天。w113 aiei113-0 0

六 X字式

X字式是指“山字”（“山”这个字）、“马字”（“马”这个字）之类的结构。
在“X字”式里，前字“X”是被强调的部分，所以一律不变调，后字“字”一律变轻声。例如：
“山”字S024 21341-01“鞋”字Q1121341-0 1“写”字sia535 21341-0 1“马”字m011321341-0！“菜”字tshe52 21341-0 1“大”字dy341 21341-0 1“八”字po552134‘一。］“十”字；1E113Z1341-0
有的字组表面上虽然也是“X’，加“字”，但结构不同，变调采用语音变调，不采用语法变调。
例如：写字动宾Sia535-52 21341｝大字大楷dy34’一“3 21341-0 I八字生辰一po55-52 21341 1＋字路口；ie113-11 2134‘一’‘lu341一ilk h W 535 0

七 动结式，主谓式，偏正式形容词

动结式是指“动词十结果补语（形容词、动词）”的结构，如“分清”。
主谓式，如“心狂”。
偏正式形容词是指“动词或名词十形容词”的结构，如“飞快”。
这些格式的两字组除了个别结合得很紧的如“分开”、“关住”、“天蓝”、“草绿”等按语音变调规律变以外，都不变调。
例如：
动结式主谓式偏正式形容词分清fai24tshei24筋抽比喻不安分toiei24tphiaU,24飞快fi24砂ua52
逃走dal1tsau1535心狂比喻决心大sei24 gao“壁竖很陡pei55};ili3讲明kuo535 mei“鬼迷比喻倒霉kus535 mi“雪白sie55 ba113
缚牢bou31al‘手痒比喻手不安分,iau1535 io113蜜甜mei113die11
除了以上格式以外，汤溪方言里部分动词、代词、副词、介词、连词以及三字组的“XX农”式（如“外国农”、“讨饭农”）也有各自特殊的变调。
其中部分动词、代词、副词、介词、连词的变调既不同于语音变调，又难以归纳出成系统的规律。
限于篇幅，这里就不再一一细说了。
由上可见，在南部吴语中，语法结构与声调之间已经构成了非常广泛而密切的联系。
这种联系不仅表现在语法变调的普遍性上，更重要的是，在南部吴语中，已经开始出现“声调语法化”的现象，“量词去声化”就是其中的一个例子。
磐安方言的量词位于数词“一”后面时，阴平〔445]、阳平i$,-f[213]不变，其他字凡来自古清声母的读「52]（同阴去调值），来自古浊声母的读【14]（同阳去调值），例如：张一纸tfb445i！层一楼zgn213｛朵一花tuy434-52）点一钟tie 434-521个一农：一个人ka52｝帖一药thia434-52I角一一钞票kua434-52｝两一重1iA434-14 1倍一bei-141样一东西iD14 1粒一豆1#213-141轴一画海1AO213-140

汤溪方言的情况已如上述，即在数词“一”后面，阴调类量词均读作[52]（同阴去调值），阳调类量词除阳平以外均读作「341]（同阳去调值），阳平【11]一般不变，有时也变作【52」或〔341]。
在量叠式（量词重叠）里面，前一个量词的变调跟上述规律完全相同，后一个量词都变作轻声。
在形量式（形容词＋量词）里面，量词的变调规律基本上也跟在数词“一”后面时一样。
因此，在汤溪方言里，去声的读法一定程度上成了量词的标记。
例如，“领”单字音读【lei’ 13，用作量词时，声调变作[341]（在量叠式里作后字时读轻声），用作非量词时，按照其他变调规律变，二者不会混淆：
量词
一领i-52 lei’ 13-34‘买来一席
领领lei’ 13-341 lei’ 13-0席一破个（席子每一领都是破的）大领(1X34‘一“lei’ 13-34‘一个席（大的席子）
非量词
一领1-52 lei’ 13一便无罢（指东西很少，一开始领就没了）领领lei’ 13- “lei’ 13-52尔去一来（你去把它领了来）
大领dy34，一’1lei113件一个衣裳（那件领子大的衣服）

I have never heard this song played in Jinhua, but online this song is semi-internet-famous. It’s a rap song about Jinhua sung in Jinhua dialect. It features 老二 (the second son) from the TV show 二十分可乐, being his usual self. The subtitles are a mixture of Jinhua dialect and Standard Mandarin, but in some places I’m not sure what word they’re actually using, so I can’t really fix it. I’m also not sure what they mean at a few points, but here’s my best shot.

十月 (October)
by 阿楼

第四节 语音变调
Section 4: Phonological tone changes

一 有关变调的一些基本概念
4.1 Some basic concepts related to tone change

1．三种变调
1. Three kinds of tone change
汉语的变调现象从性质上可以分为下面三类：
Chinese tone change phenomena can be divided into the following three kinds based on their characteristics:
(1) 语音变调，即一般所谓的连读变调，是因音节之间的语音关系而产生的变调，如北京话”上声+上声”时前字的变调。
(1) Phonological tone change, the commonly mentioned tone sandhi, is tone change produced by the phonological interaction among syllables, like Beijing dialect’s first syllable tone change in “tone II + tone II” contexts [i.e. third tone sandhi].
(2）语法变调，这是由特定的语法结构关系而产生的变调，如吴语一些方言述宾结构的字组往往具有特殊的变调模式。
(2) Grammatical tone change, which is tone change produced by particular grammatical structures, such as the verb-object structure which frequently has a special tone change pattern in some Wuyu dialects
(3) 语义变调，这是指利用声调的变化来达到特定的语义目的，如南部吴语里普遍存在的”小称变调”，这种变调有时也出现在单音节词里，但从来源上讲也是多音节字组变调进一步发展的结果。
Semantic tone change, which uses tone change to achieve a particular semantic goal, such as the diminutive tone change that is widespread in Southern Wuyu. This kind of tone change sometimes also appears in single-syllable words, but originally is never the result of a multisyllable phrase’s tone change going one step further ????
此外，汉语中所谓的”破读”现象或”声调内部曲折”现象，实质上也可以看作是一种语义变调，只不过这种变调多发生在单音节词之内。
Besides these, the Chinese so-called “broken pronunciation” phenomena or “tone-internal winding” phenomena essentially can also be seen as a kind of semantic tone change, but this kind of tone change usually happens within single-syllable words.
2．其他
2. Others
(1) 变调类型
(1) Tone change types
包括”前变型”和”后变型”。
Including “first-syllable change” and “last-syllable change”
(2）前变型
(2) First-syllable change
前字变，后字不变。
The first syllable changes, and the last syllable doesn’t change.
(3）后变型
(3) Last-syllable change type
后字变，前字不变。
The last syllable changes, and the first syllable doesn’t change.
(4）调类合流
(4) Tone merging
所谓”调类合流”，这里是指不同的单字调在连调中变为相同的调值，这种合流既发生在前字，在有些方言里也发生在后字。
Called “tone merger”, this refers to different citation tones changing into the same tone contour. When this kind of merger has occurred on one syllable, it will also occur on the next syllable in some dialects.
轻声实际上也是一种调类合流，即在轻声中调类的对立消失了。
Neutral tone is in fact also a kind of tone spreading, as with neutral tone, the tone category’s distinctions are lost.
（5）调类复原
(5) Tone recovery
所谓”调类复原”，这里是指在单字调里己经合并成一类了的几个古调类，在连调中仍旧存在某种区别，也就是说具有复现原调类的特性。
Called “tone recovery”, this refers to when a tone has merged with another tone type in citation contexts, but in sandhi contexts it retains some difference, which is to say, it possesses a reappearance of features of the original tone category.
例如汤溪方言单字调浊入归阳上，但在连读调中浊入字和浊上字有时要分开变。
For example, Tangxi dialect citation tone voiced IV is merged with IIB, but in sandhi contexts, voiced IV and voiced II are sometimes changed differently
调类复原现象只出现在发生过单字调调类合并的方言里。
Tone type reappearance only appears in dialects where citation tone types have undergone mergers.
(6)主流变调
(6) Mainstream tone change
一个调类在所有调类之前（作前字时）或之后（作后字时），采取同一种变调调值或基本上采取同一种变调调值，这种变调调值叫做”主流变调”。
If a tone category takes the same tone contour or generally the same contour before any tone (when it is the first syllable) or after any tone (when it is the last syllable), this is called “mainstream tone change”.

二 语音变调的基本情况
4.2 The basic situation of phonological tone change
南部吴语的变调现象总的来说非常复杂，本节先讨论语音变调。
The tone change phenomena of Southern Wu are generally speaking extremely complex, and this section first discusses phonological tone change.
南部吴语11个方言点两字组语音变调的基本情况见表4-3。
The basic situation of disyllabic phonological tone change of 11 dialect locations of Southern Wu can be seen in Table 4-3.
其中，前四栏里的”＋”表示变调现象的复杂程度（以”＋＋十”为最复杂），或前、后字变调以及轻声现象的多少（以”十＋＋”为最多）；”一”表示”无”或”极少”。
There, the “+” in the first four columns express the complexity level of the tone change phenomena (where “+++” is the most complex), and the abundance of first tone change, last tone change, and neutral tone phenomena (where “+++” is the most abundant). “-” represents “none” or extremely little.
“调类复原”栏里的”＋”表示有调类复原现象，”一”表示无调类复原现象。
The “+” in the “Tone category recovery” column means that it has tone recovery phenomena, and “-” indicates that there are no tone recovery phenomena.

1．复杂程度
1. Complexity level

这里所谓的”复杂程度”，是指一个方言里语音变调现象的多寡，而不是指变调之后声调格局（连调系统）的复杂或简单的程度，因为从南部吴语的情况来看，变调现象的多寡与变调系统的复杂或简单既不构成正比，也不构成反比。
What is here called complexity refers to the number of phonological tone changes in the dialect, and does not refer to the complexity level of the sandhi output patterns, since considering the circumstances of Southern Wu, the number and complexity of tone change phenomena are neither directly nor inversely proportional.
从语音变调现象多寡的角度来看，南部吴语一般都表现得非常复杂。
From the perspective of phonological tone change phenomena, Southern Wu generally displays extraordinary complexity.
尤其是在金华、衢州、上饶等地区，不仅大多数连调组合（字组） 都要发生变调，而且有时候同一种连调组合会具有多种连调模式。
Especially in the regions of Jinhua, Quzhou, Shangrao, etc, not only do the majority of tone groups undergo tone change, but also sometimes a single kind of tone group can have multiple sandhi patterns.
例如金华”阴去+阳去”、”阳去+阳平”各具有三种连调模式，下面是”阴去+阳平”的例子：
For example, Jinhua “IIIA + IB” and “IIIB + IB” each have three kinds of sandhi patterns. Below are examples of “IIIA + IB”:
[55+313] => [33＋14]
布鞋 pu^55-33a^313-14
臭虫 tɕiu^55-33dʑioŋ^313-14
[33 + 55］
素油 su^55-33 iu^313-55
细毛(过于细致) (delicate) sie^55-33 mɑu^313-55
[55+0]
铁门 t^hia⁵⁵ məŋ^13-0
雪球 sie⁵⁵ dʑiu^313-0

这种”同字组不同变调”的现象，最初也许是由不同的原因导致产生的，例如金华”阴去＋阳平”字组中，前字如果是来自清入的字时变调就自成一类（[55+0])。
This kind of “same group, different change” phenomena where perhaps at the beginning created by different causes. such as among the Jinhua “IIIA + IB” words, when the first syllable came from voiceless IV, the sandhi tones are one kind ([55+0]).
但在大多数情况下，今天很难找出几种不同的连调模式之间的区别规律来。
But in the majority of cases, it is now very difficult to determine what the rule is that distinguishes among different sandhi patterns.
这使得南部吴语的语音变调在一定程度上呈现为一种”无理”的状态，给我们的研究提出了很大的挑战。
This makes Southern Wu’s phonological tone change appear, to a certain degree, like a kind of senseless situation, and raise a big challenge for our research.
在南部吴语的南端如庆元、浦城等地，语音变调现象相对来说比较简单。
In the southernmost part of Southern Wu, like Qingyuan and Pucheng, phonological tone change phenomena are in contrast fairly simple.
庆元只有阴平、阳去作前字时发生变调，浦城只有阴平、阳平作前字时发生少量的变调。
Qingyuan only has tone change when the initial syllable is IA or IIIB. Pucheng only has a little tone change when the initial syllable is IA or IB.
2．变调类型
2. Kinds of tone change
从变调类型来看，南部吴语的语音变调以”前变型”为主，在位于较南部的云和、庆元、浦城、泰顺等地，后字一律不变调。
As far as types of tone change, Southern Wu’s phonological tone change consists primarily of “initial syllable change”, and in places in the south like Yunhe, Qingyuan, Pucheng, and Taishun, the final syllable generally doesn’t change.
3．调类合流
Tone category merging
虽然南部吴语的语音变调现象相当繁杂，但在另一方面，连调中的调类合流现象也十分突出。
Though Southern Wu phonological tone change phenomena are fairly diverse, in another respect sandhi tone merger phenomena are also very prominent.
例如，武义方言有8个单字调，64种两字连调组合（两字组），而连调模式只有27种（傅国通1984:113)，差不多相当于5个单字调的连调组合（5X5=25)。
For example, Wuyi dialect has 8 citation tones, and thus 64 types of disyllable sandhi groups, yet there are only 27 kinds (Fu Guotong 1984:113) of sandhi patterns, approximately equal to the sandhi groups of 5 citation tones (5 x 5 = 25).
原因是连调中不同调类的前字发生大量合流现象，例如阴上[53]、阳上[13]、阳去[31]作前字时都变作[11]调，阴入[?51]、阳入［?212］作前字时都变作[?55]调。
The reason is that in sandhi, the different tone types in the initial syllable mostly undergo merger. For example IIA [53], IIB [13] and IIIB [31] as initial syllable all change to [11] tone, and IVA [?51] and IVB [?212] as initial syllable both change to [?55] tone.
又如，汤溪方言有7个单字调（浊入归阳上），因浊上字和浊入字在连调中表现不同（调类复原），分开计算，共有64种两字连调组合（两字组），而连调模式只有20种，只相当于4.5个单字调的连调组合（4.5 x 4.5=20.25)，详见下文。
Or again, Tangxi dialect has 7 citation tones (voiced IV merged with IIB), and because voiced tone II syllables and voiced tone IV syllables in sandhi act differently (tone type recovery), including this separation there are 64 kinds of disyllable sandhi groups, yet there are only 20 sandhi patterns, equivalent to the sandhi groups of just 4.5 citation tones (4.5 x 4.5 = 20.25). See the next section for details.
4．调类复原
4. Tone type recovery
从南部吴语的情况来看，凡是在单字调里合并了的几个古调类，在连调中往往不同程度地存在区别，也就是说具有调类复原的现象。
Looking at the situation in Southern Wu, all ancient tone categories that merged in isolated syllables often to varying degrees maintain a distinction in sandhi. That is to say, they display tone type recovery phenomena.
例如永康方言，单字调清入归阴上都读[35]调，浊入归阳上都读[13]调；连调中作前字时，来自古上声的阴上、阳上一律变作[11]，来自古清入的阴上一律变作[33]，来自古浊入的阳上一律变作[22]。
For example in Yongkang dialect, voiceless IV merged with IIA in citation form, pronounced [35], and voiced IV merged with IIB, pronounced [13]. But when the initial syllable in sandhi, the IIA and IIB syllables that came from ancient tone II all change to [11], while IIA from ancient IVA changes to [33] and IIB from ancient IVB changes to [22].
在连调中，尽管在单字调里不同的清上字和浊上字已经丧失了区别，在单字调里相同的古入声字跟古上声字之间反而还存在区别（袁家哗等1983:84)。
In sandhi, whether or not voiceless and voiced tone II have already lost their distinction in citation form, the ancient tone IV and ancient tone II that are identical in citation form still maintain their difference (Yuan Jiahua et al. 1983:84).
磐安、金华、汤溪等地也有类似现象，汤溪方言的情况可参看下文。
Locations Pan’an, Jinhua, Tangxi etc. also have similar phenomena, and the situation of Tangxi dialect can be viewed in the next section.
5. 三字组的变调
5. Tone change of trisyllabic groups
南部吴语三字组的语音变调一般都采取以下模式：
Southern Wu phonological tone change of trisyllabic groups generally adopts the following patterns.
即第一、二两个音节构成一个两字组，第一个音节按两字组的前字变；第二、三两个音节构成一个两字组，第二个音节按两字组的前字变，第三个音节按两字组的后字变。
The first and second syllables constitute a disyllable group, and the first syllable changes according to the initial syllable of the disyllable group. The second and third syllables also constitute a disyllable group, and the second syllable changes as the initial syllable, and the third syllable changes as the disyllable final syllable.
与两字组的变调规律略有不同的是，在两字组变调中，同一调类的前字在不同的调类前有时有不同的变调，甚至在同一个调类前也会有不同的变调；但在三字组变调中，第一个音节往往不管第二个音节是什么调类，一律采取同一种变调，这种变调一般是该调类在两字组的前字位置时最为常见的那种变调调值（即”主流变调”）。
What the tone change rules of disyllabic groups differ on is that among disyllabic tone changes, a single category of initial syllable has a different tone change when in front of different categories, or even in front of a single category there can be different tone changes. But among the tone changes of trisyllabic groups, the first syllable usually doesn’t care what category the second syllable is, and always adopts the same change. That change is generally the tone contour form most often seen in the initial syllable of disyllabic tone change (i.e. mainstream tone change).
因此，三字组的这种连调模式也可以看作是”1+(2+3)”的模式。
For this reason, trisyllabic sandhi patterns can also be viewed as “1+(2+3)” patterns.
例如，武义方言三字组中第一个音节的变调规律：阴平[24]、阳平[213]、阴去［53］一律变[55]，阴上[55]、阳上[13]、阳去［31］一律变[11]，阴入［?51]、阳入［?212］一律变[?55]（傅国通1984:116)。
For example, in Wuyi dialect the first syllable in trisyllabic groups has this tone change rule: IA [24], IB [213], and IIIA [53] always change to [55], IIA [55], IIB [13], and IIIB [31] always change to [11], and IVA [?51] and IVB [?212] always change to [?55] (Fu Guotong 1984: 116).
又如，金华方言三字组中第一个音节的变调规律：阴平[334]、阳平[313]、阴去[55]一律变[33]，阴上[535]、阳去［14］一律变[55]（阳去在阴去、阳去前有时变[33])，阴入[?4]不变，阳入[?212]一律变[?21]。
Or again, in Jinhua dialect the first sylalble in trisyllabic groups has this tone change rule: IA [334], IB [313], and IIIA [55] all change to [33], IIA [535] and IIIB [14] change to [55] (IIIB does sometimes change to [33] before IIIA and IIIB), IVA [?4] doesn’t change and IVB [?212] all changes to [?21].
汤溪方言的情况可参看下文。
For the situation of Tangxi dialect, see the following section.

三 汤溪方言的语音变调
4.3 Phonological tone change of Tangxi dialect
1．两字组的语音变调
1. Disyllabic phonological tone change
表4-4的表左是前字调类，表端是后字调类，表中是连读调和例词。
The left column of Table 4-4 is the tone category of the initial syllable, and the final syllable tone categories are across the top, with the middle of the table showing sandhi tones and example words.
由表4-4可以看出，汤溪方言的两字组语音变调以前字变调为主，后字也有一些变调，其中以轻声居多。
As can be seen in Table 4-4, Tangxi dialect disyllabic phonological tone change primarily involves change on the initial syllable, and there are also some changes on the final syllable, the majority of which are neutral tone.
在65种两字组（”阳入＋阴平”变调时分两类，这里按两种计）中，有41种只变前字不变后字，有8种只变后字不变前字，有16种前后字都变。
Among the 65 types of disyllable groups (”IVB + IVA” are divided into two kinds, and are counted as two here), there are 41 types that only change the initial syllable and not the final one, 8 types that only change the final syllable and not the initial one, and 16 types that change both syllables.
从前字来看，前字变调大致上可以分成三大类，表中用双线隔开，即阴平、阳平、阴去作前字时多变作[33]调，阳去、阳上、阳入作前字时多变作[11]调，阴上、阴入作前字时多变作[52]，但在平声、去声前面时往往有例外。
Looking at the initial syllables, initial syllable tone change can essentially be divided into to three broad types. In the table a double line is used to dive these types: IA, IB, and IIIA as initial mostly change to [33]; IIIB, IIB, and IVB as initial syllable mostly change to [11]; and IIA and IVA as initial syllable mostly change to [52], but when in front of tone types I and III, there are many exceptions.
从后字来看，可以分成变调和不变调两类，表中用粗线隔开，粗线以上、以左的后字变调，粗线以下、以右的后字不变调。
Looking at the final syllables, they can be divided into two categories of those that change and those that don’t. In the table a thick line divides them. Above and to the left of the line, the final syllable changes, and below and to the right, the final syllable doesn’t change.
后字变调最主要地出现在平声作后字时，其次出现在去声作后字时，阳入位于阴平、阳平、阴去后面时也发生变调。
Final syllable tone change primarily appears on tone I when it is the final syllable, and secondarily appears on tone III as final syllable. It also occurs on IVB when after IA, IB and IIIA.
65种两字连调组合经变调后归并为20种连调模式。
The 65 kinds of disyllable sandhi groups merge to become 20 sandhi patterns after tone change.
阳上和阳入在单字调里完全相同，在两字组连调中，大多数情况下也已经没有区别了，但在阴平、阳平的前面，在阴平、阳平、阴去的后面仍旧存在区别（调类复原）。
IB and IVB in isolation are completely identical, and in disyllabic sandhi, the majority of contexts also don’t have any distinction any more, but before IA and IB, and after IA, IB and IIIA, the distinction is still maintained (tone category recovery).
例如：红瓦(红色的瓦) ao11-33 uo 113 /= 红镬(炒菜时不放油) ao11-33 uo 113-24。
For example, 红瓦 (`red tile’) ao11-33 uo 113 /= 红镬 (`frying without oil’ , lit. `red pot’) ao11-33 uo 113-24.

2．三字组的语音变调
2. Trisylllabic phonological tone change
汤溪方言三字组语音变调的规律为：第一个音节，阴平[24]、阳平[11]、阴去［52〕一律变［33]，阳去［341]、阳上〔113]、阳入［113］一律变[11]，阴上【535]、阴入【55」一律变〔52，跟两字组前字的主流变调相同；第二、三两个音节，基本上跟两字组的连调模式相同。例如：
Tangxi dialect trisyllabic phonological tone change rules are: On the first syllable, IA [24], IB [11] and IIIA [52] all change to [33], IIIB [341], IIB and IVB [113] all change to [11], and IIA [535] and IVA [55] all change to [52], the same as mainstream initial syllable tone change in disyllabic sandhi. For example:

汤溪方言三字组共有8x8x8=512 种连调组合，第一个音节的三种变调与后面两字组的20种连调模式相配，实际上只有60种三字组连调模式，差不多相当于4个单字调的连调组合(4x4x4=64)。
Tangxi dialect trisyllabic sandhi has 8x8x8=512 types of sandhi groups, but when the three kinds of first syllable sandhi tones are matched with the 20 kinds of disyllabic sandhi patterns, there are actually just 60 types of trisyllabic sandhi patterns, approximately equivalent to the sandhi groups of 4 citation tones (4x4x4=64).
3．四字组的语音变调
3. Four-syllable phonological tone change
汤溪方言四字组语音变调的规律为：第一个音节跟三字组首字的变调规律完全相同，后三个
音节跟三字组的连调模式完全相同。例如：
Tangxi dialect rules for phonological tone change of four-syllable groups is: the first syllable is exactly the same as the first syllable in a trisyllabic group, and the other three syllables are exactly the same as the trisyllabic sandhi patterns. For example:

Translation: 南部吴语 Chapter 4 Section 3

2008 Nov 4 in Translations | Comments (0)

第三节 入声
Section 3: Tone IV

一 入声演变的基本情况
3.1 The basic situation of tone IV evolution

在衢州地区、上饶地区、丽水地区（缙云龙泉除外）、金华地区的兰溪和温州地区的泰顺，入声仍读短促调，带喉塞尾，并按古声母的清浊分阴阳两类，其中阴入调一般为高短调，阳入调一般为短促的低升调或低降升调。
In Quzhou Region, Shangrao Region, Lishui Region (except for Jinyun and Longquan), Jinhua Region’s Lanxi and Wenzhou Region’s Taishun, tone IV remains a short tone with a glottal stop coda, even following the ancient onset voicing distinction into registers, among which the voiceless A register is usually a high short tone and the voiced register B is usually a low short rising or rising-falling tone.
在其余地区，即金华地区（兰溪除外）、温州地区（泰顺除外）以及缙云、龙泉、浦城，共19个点（占全部37个县市的一半），古入声已经发生了变化。
In other regions, namely Jinhua Region (except for Lanxi), Wenzhou Region (except for Taishun), plus Jinyun, Longquan, and Pucheng, a total of 19 locations (half of the 37 locations), ancient tone IV has undergone some change.
具体情况见表4-2。
For the specific situation see Table 4-2.

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Tone IV mergers

温州地区的乐清、洞头跟温州相同，瑞安、平阳跟永嘉相同，苍南跟文成相同。
Wenzhou Region’s Yueqing and Dongtou are the same as Wenzhou, Rui’an and Pingyang are the same as Yongjia, and Cangnan is the same as Wencheng.
温州永强据郑张尚芳先生告知。
Wenzhou’s Yongqiang is according to Zhengzhang Shangfang’s records.
由表4-2可见，南部吴语古入声的演变有以下几种类型：
As seen in Table 4-2, the evolution of ancient tone IV has the following varieties in Southern Wuyu.
1．入声长调化：金华地区（兰溪除外），温州地区（泰顺除外），缙云，龙泉，浦城。
1. Tone IV tone lengthening: Jinhua Region (except Lanxi), Wenzhou Region (except Taishun), Jinyun, Longquan, Pucheng.
“长调化”这里指入声失去短促的特征，读作像舒声调一样的长调，但未跟其他舒声调合并。
“Tone lengthening” here refers to tone IV losing it’s distinctive shortness, and being pronounced like the long contours of non-checked tones, but not merging with other non-checked tones.
温州等地是阴入、阳入全部读为长调。
In Wenzhou and other places, both IVA and IVB are pronounced as long tones.
汤溪是阳入跟阳上合并，阴入读为长调。
In Tangxi, IVB merged with IIIB, and IVA is pronounced as a long tone.
也有些方言是部分字读为长调，部分字仍读短调，如金华小黄村部分清入字（”割桌接发雪”等）读长调［55］，部分浊入字（”薄夺叠袜月”等）读长调［113］。
There are also some dialects in which some syllables are pronounced as long tones, while others remain pronounced as short tones, such as some voiceless tone IV in Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village (like 割, 桌, 接, 发, 雪, etc) pronounced [55], and some voiced tone IV (薄, 夺, 叠, 袜, 月, etc.) pronounced [113].
2．入声不分阴阳：浦城。
Tone IV not distinguishing registers: Pucheng.
浦城的入声字不分阴阳，都读长调［32］，自成一个调类。
Pucheng’s tone IV is not split into registers, and is all pronounced [32], becoming one tone category.
从周围方言的入声都分阴阳两类的情况来看，浦城的入声调应当是阴入和阳入合并的结果。
Based on the tone IV of surrounding dialects, which are all split by registers into two categories, it appears that Pucheng’s tone IV should be considered the result of IVA and IVB merging.
但由于浦城古全浊声母已经清化［32］的调值也缺乏明显的阴调或阳调的特征，所以难以断定究竟是清入归阳入，还是浊入归阴入。
But due to Pucheng’s devoicing of ancient obstruent onsets, the [32] tone contour lacks obvious characteristics of either IVA or IVB, so it is difficult to reach a conclusion as to whether it is voiceless IV merged with IVB or voiced IV merged with IVA.
从总体上看，浦城入声的调值［32］跟周围方言的阳入调值更加接近一些，例如广丰阳入［23］，江山阳入［3］，遂昌阳入［23］，龙泉阳入［23］，庆元阳入［34］，离浦城稍远的青田阳入也是［32］。
Overall, it appears that Pucheng tone IV’s contour [32] is closer to the IVB of surrounding dialects, such as Guangfeng IVB [23], Jiangshan IVB [3], Suichang IVB [23], Longquan IVB [23], and Qingyuan IVB [34], and a little further from Pucheng, in Qingtian, is it also [32].
3．清入归阴平：义乌。
Voiceless tone IV merging with IA: Yiwu.
4．清入归阴上：磐安，永康。
Voiceless tone IV merging with IIA: Pan’an, Yongkang.
5．清入归阴去：金华（城里，咸山）。
Voiceless tone IV merging with IIIA: Jinhua (urban area and Xianshan).
6．浊入归阳平：义乌，磐安。
Voiced tone IV merging with IB: Yiwu, Pan’an.
7．浊入归阳上：汤溪，永康，武义（西南部王宅、白姆、俞源等地，以及城里部分字）。
Voiced tone IV merging with IIB: Tangxi, Yongkang, Wuyi (northwestern Wangzhai, Baimu, Yuyuan, etc, as well as some syllables in the urban area).
8．浊入归阳去：金华城里，咸山，温州永强。
Voiced tone IV merging with IIIB: Jinhua urban area, Xianshan, Wenzhou’s Yongqiang.
由上可见，在温州地区（泰顺除外）和金华小黄村、浦江、东阳、缙云、龙泉、浦城等地，入声的变化表现为短促特征的消失（长调化）。
As seen above, in Wenzhou Region (except Taishun) and Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village, Pujiang, Dongyang, Jinyun, Longquan, Pucheng, etc, tone IV’s changes show the fading away of the characteristic shortness (tone lengthening).
在金华地区的一些县市和温州永强则已出现入声调跟其他调类合并的现象，这种合并也以入声字喉塞尾的消失为前提。
In some parts of Jinhua Region and Wenzhou’s Yongqiang, the merger of tone IV with the other tones has already occurred. This kind of merger necessarily also involves the loss of tone IV syllables’ glottal stop coda.
此外，跟清入相比，浊入更容易并入舒声调，例如汤溪、武义、温州永强都是只有浊入字归入阳上或阳去调。
Besides this, compared to voiceless tone IV, voiced tone IV is even more easily merged with the non-checked tones. For example, Tangxi, Wuyi, and Wenzhou’s Yongqiang all only have voiced tone IV merged with IIB or IIIB.

二 入声演变的规则
3.2: Rules of tone IV evolution
入声字喉塞尾弱化、消失，调值拉长，并入其他舒声调类，是当代南部吴语语音演变的大趋势。
The weakening or loss of tone IV syllables’ stop coda, tone lengthening, and merger with the non-checked tone categories are all major trends of contemporary Southern Wuyu phonological evolution.
入声调失去短促特征以后，究竟归向何处呢？
After tone IV lost its distinctive shortness, what is the merger result?
决定它的归向的因素是什么呢？
What determines the direction of the merger?
在入声已经消失的官话方言里，入声的归向具有很强的系统性和普遍性。
In the Mandarin dialects that have already lost tone IV, the direction of merger has strong systematicity and universality.
例如，古全浊声母入声字归阳平的读法涵盖了除保留入声的江淮官话以外的所有官话区，古次浊声母入声字归去声的读法涵盖了冀鲁、兰银、北京、东北、胶辽等五个官话区，古清声母归阴平的读法也涵盖了中原官话和冀鲁官话。
For example, the merger of ancient voiced obstruent onset tone IV syllables into IB covers the whole Mandarin area except for Jiangsu and Anhui which preserve tone IV, and the merger of sonorant onset tone IV syllables into III covers the Mandarin areas of Hebei-Shandong, Lanyin, Beijing, the Northeast, Liaoning, etc., and the merger of voiceless onsets into IA covers the Mandarin areas of the central plains and Hebei-Shandong.
但如上所述，在南部吴语里，情况完全相反，入声的归向体现出强烈的”个别性”。
But as stated above, in Southern Wuyu, the situation is completely opposite. The direction of tone IV mergers reflects intense individuality.
南部吴语入声调的短促特征消失以后，有的保留了入声调类，有的在入声内部发生了合并（阴入跟阳入合），有的跟其他舒声调合并，而不同的方言往往有不同的合并方式，相互间看不出有什么联系。
After the loss of tone IV characteristic shortness in Southern Wu, some preserved the tone IV category, some underwent a merger within tone IV (IVA with IVB), and some underwent a merger with non-checked tones. And different dialects often have different merger patterns, with no apparent connection between them.
南部吴语入声的演变为什么会出现如此”杂乱无章”的局面呢？
How can the evolution of tone IV in Southern Wuyu appear so chaotic?
我们认为，这是因为南部吴语各地方言之间调值系统差别很大，而在南部吴语地区，又不存在一个对南部吴语各地方言有较大影响力和制约力的强势方言，所以，在入声演变的过程中，各地方言各自为政，各行其道。
We believe this is because the tone system differences among all the local dialects of Southern Wuyu are large, and in the region of Southern Wuyu, there is also no one powerful dialect that would act as a large influence or restraint. So in the process of tone IV evolution, every local dialect is independent and takes its own path.
即使如金华城里、金华小黄村、汤溪这样相距很近的地点，入声的演变就分别走了三条不同的道路。
Even with such near locations as urban Jinhua, Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village, and Tangxi, the evolution of tone IV took three different paths.
不过，在内部一致性比较高的温州地区（泰顺、永强除外），入声演变的道路没有出现分歧，即清入字读阴入长调，浊入字读阳入长调。
However, in Wenzhou Region which has fairly high internal consistency (except for Taishun and Yongqiang), the path of tone IV evolution did not undergo a division, that is, voiceless IV is pronounced as a long tone IVA, and voiced IV is pronounced as a long tone IVB.
那么，各地方言是如何各行其道的呢？
Now, how did each local dialect follow its own path?
表4一2中的材料为我们提供了有趣的线索。
The data in Table 4-2 provides us with interesting clues.
例如金华城里方言，非咸山摄的古入声字今按声母清浊分别读阴入［?4］、阳入［?212］二调，咸山摄的古入声字今按声母清浊分别归入阴去［55］、阳去［14］二调。
For example, in urban Jinhua dialect, ancient tone IV syllables, other than ‘xian’ and ’shan’ categories, are now split according to onset voicing into IVA [?4] and IVB [?212], and ‘xian’ and ’shan’ categories of tone IV are now split by voicing into IIIA [55] and IIIB [14].
可以推断，咸山摄的古入声字原来也是读阴入［?4］、阳入［?212］的，由于这两摄入声字的喉塞尾率先脱落，韵母变为开尾韵，所以它们的调值也同时失去短促特征。
We can infer that ‘xian’ and ’shan’ tone IV syllables were once also pronounced as IVA [?4] and IVB [?212], and as a result of these two categories first losing their glottal stop codas, the rhymes became open rhymes, so their contours also at that time lost their short character.
在这个时候，如果金华城里方言没有受到外来影响的话，它的咸山摄阴入字应该读成［44］，咸山摄阳入字应该读成［212］。
At this time, if urban Jinhua dialect hadn’t absorbed foreign influence, its ‘xian’ and ’shan’ syllables of tone IVA would have been pronounced [44] and its ‘xian’ and ’shan’ syllables of tone IVB would have been pronounced [212].
在金华城里方言的原声调系统中，没有［44］调，但有阴去［55］调，因此，咸山摄阴入字并入了与之读音十分接近的阴去调。
In urban Jinhua dialect’s former tone system, there was no [44] tone, but there was IIIA [55] tone, and so ‘xian’ and ’shan’ syllables of IVA merged with the very close IIIA tone.
至于阳入字的归向，原声调系统中跟［212］比较接近的有两个调，即阳平［313］调，阳去［14］调。
As for IVB syllables’ merger, the former tone system had two tones fairly close to [212], tone IB [313] and tone IIIB [14].
由于原阳人调［?212］的实际读音以上升部分为主（南部吴语的阳入调一般都是一个以低升为主的调），所以咸山摄阳入字失去短促特征以后，并入了读音比较接近的升调即阳去［14］调。
As a result of the rising portion of actual pronunciation of IVB tone [?212] being primary (Southern Wuyu IVB tone is generally a primarily low rising tone), after ‘xian’ and ’shan’ syllables of IVB lost their shortness, they merged with the fairly close rising tone of IIIB [14].
其他方言入声的演变情况也可以同样解释。
The evolution of tone IV in other dialects can also be explained in the same way.
例如汤溪方言，阴入字今读阴入［55］调，阳入字今归入阳上［113］调。
For example in Tangxi dialect, IVA is today pronounced [55], and IVB is merged with IIB [113].
根据周围方言的情况和汤溪方言自己的连调规律，我们可以推断汤溪方言的阴入原读［?5］（或［?4］)，阳入原读［?23］（或［?12］)—金华阴入［?4］、阳人［?212］（以上升为主），兰溪阴入［?34］、阳入［?12］，龙游阴入［?5］、阳入［?23］，遂昌阴入［?5］、阳入［?23］，汤溪方言浊入字在部分字组中连读调为［24］。
According to the situation in the surrounding dialects and Tangxi dialect’s own sandhi rules, we can extrapolate Tangxi dialect’s IVA was once pronounced [?5] (or [?4]), and IVB was once pronounced [?23] (or [?12]) — Jinhua IVA [?4] and IVB [?212] (with the rising as primary), Lanxi IVA [?34] and IVB [?12], Longyou IVA [?5] and IVB [?23], Suichang IVA [?5] and IVB [?23], and Tangxi dialect voiced IV in some sandhi contexts becomes [24].
当汤溪方言的入声失去短促特征时，阴入字应该读成［55］（或［44］)，阳入字应该读成［23］或［12］)。
When Tangxi dialect’s tone IV lost its characteristic shortness, IVA syllables must have been pronounced [55] (or [44]), and IVB syllables must have been pronounced [23] (or [12]).
由于汤溪方言的原声调系统中没有高平调，所以阴入字自成调类读［55］。
Since Tangxi dialect’s original tone system did not have a high level tone, IVA syllables became their own tone type [55].
至于阳入字的归向，原声调系统中有跟［23］（或［12］）比较接近的阴平［24］调和阳上［113］调，但阴平是阴调，只跟清声母相配，所以阳入字选择了阳上调作为归宿。
As for the merger of IVB syllables, the original tone system had the tones IA [24] and IIB [113] which are fairly close to [23] (or [12]). But IA is high register, only matching voiceless onsets, so IVB syllables chose IIB as their destination.
从以上分析可以看出，南部吴语入声调的演变过程首先是”延伸”，即把原来的短促调值拉长。
As seen from the above analysis, the tone IV’s course of evolution in Southern Wuyu is primarily extension, that is, lengthening the former short tone contour.
延伸之后，如果原声调系统中有相同相近的调值，就并入跟它最接近的那个调，如果没有，就保留单独的调类。
After extension, if the original tone system had an identical or similar contour, the it just merged with that closest tone. If there was none, then it was preserved as an independent tone category.
在这个过程中，要受到声母清浊的制约，即阴入字只能并入阴调，阳入字只能并入阳调。
In this process, the onset voicing restriction must be maintained, meaning IVA can only merge with A register tones and IVB can only merge with B register tones.
浦城方言的阴入字和阳入字之所以可以合并，正是因为它的全浊声母已经清化，不存在清阴浊阳的天然界线的缘故。
Pucheng dialect’s IVA syllables and IVB syllables can merge, just because its obstruent onsets had already devoiced, not preserving the cause of the natural division between voiceless A and voiced B.
南部吴语入声演变的规则在徽语里可以同样看到。
The rules of Southern Wuyu tone IV evolution can also be seen in Huiyu.
只是在徽语中，清浊声母的对立已经消失，所以入声字的归并不受声母清浊、声调阴阳的限制（曹志耘1998)。
It’s just that in Huiyu, the onset voicing contrast has already been lost, so onset voicing and register restrictions do not matter in the merger of tone IV syllables (Cao Zhiyun 1998).
因此，阴入字可以并入阳调，阳入字可以并入阴调。
For this reason, IVA can merge with B register tones, and IVB can merge with A register tones.
例如建德部分阴入字并入阳去［55］，屯溪阳入字并入阴平［11］，遂安县城阳入字并入阴上［213］。
For example, some IVA syllables in Jiande merged into IIIB [55], Tunxi IVB merged with IA, and Sui’an county IVB merged with IIA [213].
南部吴语、徽语入声演变的方式及其结果，与官话方言相比有着极大的不同。
The patterns of Southern Wuyu and Huiyu tone IV evolution, as well as their results, have enormous differences from Mandarin dialects.

金华小黄村浊上归阴平以后，古全浊声母上声字读为清音声母，跟清平字混同，古次浊声母上声字也跟部分帮端母平声字（金华小黄村咸山摄帮端母字今读［m n/ɲ］声母）混同，例如：弟＝低 tiɛ334 | 柱＝珠 tɕy34 | 是＝嬉 ɕi 334 | 买＝班 ma 334 | 米＝边 miɛ334
In Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village, after voiced tone II merged with IIA syllables, voiced obstruent onsets of tone II became pronounced as voiceless, the same as voiceless tone I syllables. Ancient sonorant onsets of tone II syllables also mixed with the ‘bang’ and ‘duan’ onset tone I syllables. (In Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village, `bang’ and `duan’ onsets with `xian’ and `shan’ rhymes are now pronounced [m] and [n/ɲ].) For example: 弟＝低 tiɛ334 | 柱＝珠 tɕy34 | 是＝嬉 ɕi 334 | 买＝班 ma 334 | 米＝边 miɛ334
3．次浊上归阴上：磐安老年人，开化部分字，丽水，云和，平阳，苍南，泰顺。
3. Sonorant onset tone II merged into IIA: Pan’an older speakers, some Kaihua syllables, Lishui, Yunhe, Pingyang, Cangnan and Taishun.
4．次浊上归阴去：衢州部分字。
4. Sonorant onset tone II merged into IIIA: some Quzhou syllables.
5．全浊上归阳平：丽水。
5. Voiced obstruent tone II merged into IB: Lishui.
6．全浊上归阳去：衢州，开化，浦城部分字。
6. Voiced obstruent tone II merged into IIIB: Quzhou, Kaihua, some Pucheng syllables.
以上现象表明，在南部吴语中，浊上是一个不稳定的调类，其中次浊上归入其他调类的速度要略快于全浊上。
The above phenomena demonstrate that in Southern Wuyu, voiced tone II is an unstable tone category, in which the speed that sonorant tone II merges with other tone categories is slightly faster than that of voiced obstruent tone II.
在北部吴语以及其他一些方言（如官话）里，古浊上比较常见的归并模式是次浊上归阴上（或上声），全浊上归阳去（或去声）。
In Northern Wuyu as well as other dialects (like Mandarin), a commonly seen merger pattern of ancient voiced tone II is that of voiced obstruent tone II merging with IIA (or just tone II) while sonorant tone II merges with IIIB (or tone III).
在南部吴语中，没有一个地点是完全采用这种归并模式的，只有位于西北角的开化，次浊上有少数字归阴上，多数字和全浊上一起归阳去。
In Southern Wuyu, not a single location completely uses this merger pattern. Only Kaihua in the northwest has some voiced obstruent tone II merging with IIA while the majority merge into IIIB with the sonorants.
只采用次浊上归阴上方式的有磐安老年人、云和、平阳、苍南、泰顺五点。
The pattern of only having sonorants merge with IIA is found in five locations: Pan’an older speakers, Yunhe, Pingyang, Cangnan, and Taishun.
只采用全浊上归阳去方式的有浦城一点，但浦城的全浊上只有部分字归阳去，另一部分字仍读阳上。
The pattern of only having voiced obstruents merge with IIIB is found in one location, Pucheng, but only a portion of Pucheng’s voice obstruent tone II syllables merged into IIIA, and the portion stayed pronounced as IIB.
在古浊上的归并中，金华小黄村浊上归阴平，这种现象在整个南部吴语中显得比较突出。
Among the mergers of ancient voiced tone II, the phenomenon of voiced II merging into IA in Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village stands out among all of Southern Wuyu.
古浊上是否发生变化，以及变化的方式，在地域上看不出明显的规律性。
Geographically there is no obvious pattern about whether or not ancient voiced tone II underwent a change, as well as the manner of change.
只是上丽片的上山小片除开化外都没有发生变化，瓯江片的全浊上都没有发生变化。
Only Shangshan sub-group of Shangli group, except for Kaihua, had no change, and Oujiang group’s voiced obstruent tone II had no change.

第一节单字调
Section 1: Isolated tones
南部吴语地区37个县市方言单字调系统的基本情况见表4一1。
For the systems of isolated tones of the 37 dialect zones of the Southern Wuyu region, see Table 4-1.
表中各地的调类和调值情况，依据笔者所能看到的最新而比较可靠的资料（因来源众多，这里不一一注明了）。
The table contains each location’s tone categories and contours, which in the author’s view, are the newest and most reliable data (from numerous sources, here the differences are clarified).
方言点后面的数字是调类数，入声调值前面标”？”的表示是短促调，不标”？”的是长调，”／”表示又读。
The numeral after the dialect location is the tone count. The “?” before the IV tones indicates a short tone; the ones without a “?” are long tones. The “/” indicates alternate pronunciations.
1．调类
Tone classes
由表4一1可见，南部吴语比较完好地保留了”四声八调”的调类系统。
As can be seen in Table 4-1, Southern Wuyu has fairly completely maintained the “4 categories, 8 tones” tone system.
调类数目在6-8个之间（但金华小黄村有9个调类，磐安中年以下的人只有5个调类，详下），以8个为最普遍，在37个地点中有26点为8个调类，占70。
The tone counts are between 6 and 8 (though Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village has 8 tones, and Pan’an speakers under middle age have only 5 tones). We can take 8 as the most common, since among the 37 locations, 26 of them (70%) have 8 tones.
古平、去声各地均按古声母清浊分为阴阳两类，古上、入声多数地区也按古声母清浊分为阴阳两类，少数地区古浊上、清入、浊入发生了新的分化合并，金华地区相对来说调类简化的速度比较快，详见下文。
Ancient I and III are divided into registers according the ancient onset voicing. Ancient II and IV are in most places also divided into registers according the ancient onset voicing, and in a few locations, a new split occurred in the ancient voiced II, voiceless IV or voiced IV syllables. Jinhua Region tone classes have simplified at a relatively fast rate, as detailed below.
2．调值
Tone pitches
南部吴语在调值方面具有如下几个特点：
As far as tone pitches, Southern Wuyu possesses the following characteristics:
(1)基本上保持了”阴高阳低”的调值格局。
The “high A, low B” register pitch structure is generally maintained.
只是在少数古全浊声母发生清化的方言里，出现了个别”阳高阴低”的现象，例如庆元阴平[334]，阳平［52]；泰顺阴平［213]，阳平〔53]；浦城阴上［44]，阳上［54]。
But in a few dialects that underwent obstruent devoicing, there occurred phenomena that do not follow the “high A, low B” pattern, such as Qingyuan’s IA [334] and IB [52], Taishun’s IA [213] and IB [53], and Pucheng’s IIA [44] and IIB [54].
(2)阴上（或上声）调多为高调，在一些方言里并有紧喉现象。
The IIA (or II) tone is high tone, and in a few dialects, it also has laryngealization.
例如，温州阴上［45］、阳上［34］都带紧喉成分；青田阴上［354］、阳上［243］调域很高，而且紧喉；文成阴上［454］高而短，并带紧喉色彩；衢州、龙游阴上［45］比较紧而短促。
For example, Wenzhou IIA [45] and IIB [34] carry creaky phonation. Qingtian IIA [354] and IIB [243] have high pitch ranges and also creaky phonation. Wencheng IIA [454] is high and short, and also carries creaky coloring. Quzhou and Longyou IIA [45] is fairly creaky and short.
(3)入声在温州地区泰顺除外全部读为长调；在金华地区，除了金华、兰溪、武义等地仍不同程度地保留短促调以外，或读长调，或合入其他舒声调；络云、龙泉、浦城也读长调（龙泉的阴入潘悟云先生记作［5］,但不带喉塞）。
In Wenzhou Region except for Taishun, IV is pronounced as a long tone. In Jinhua Region except for Jinhua, Lanxi, Wuyi, etc, which to different degrees still maintain short tones, category IV are either pronounced as a long tones or merged with other tones. Laoyun, Longyou, and Pucheng also have long tones. (Pan Wuyun records Longquan’s IVA as [5], but without a glottal stop).
在其余地区（主要是衢州、上饶、丽水地区），入声仍读短促调，带喉塞尾，其中阴入调一般为高短调，阳入调一般为短促的低升调或低降升调。
In the other regions (mainly Quzhou, Shangrao, and Lishui regions), IV tones are still pronounced as short tones, with a glottal stop. Among them, IVA is generally high and short, and IVB is generally a short low rising or short low falling tone.
(4)升降调比较常见，表4一1中共出现17次，有些方言记作其他调型（主要是升调）的调值实际读音也接近升降调，例如磐安阳去［14］接近［143］，遂昌阳平［221］和庆元阳上［221］有时为［231］。
Rising tones are relatively common, appearing 17 times in Table 4-1. Some dialects are recorded as having other contours (primarily rising tones) which are actually close to rising-falling tones. For example, Pan’an’s IIIB [14] is close to [143], and Suichang’s IB [221] and Qingyuan’s IIB [221] are sometimes [231].
从总体上看，大约每两个地点中有一个升降调。
Overall, approximately every two locations have one rising-falling tone.
(5)温州地区除泰顺以外，单字调（据郑张尚芳先生告知，还包括连读调）的调值系统相当一致。这种一致性在南部吴语的其他地区完全看不到。
The citation tone contours of Wenzhou Region, except for Taishun, (according to Zhengzhang Shangfang’s information, the sandhi tones are included) are completely identical. This kind of uniformity is completely unseen in other regions.

表4-1 南部吴语单字调
Table 4-1. Southern Wuyu isolated tones

清平 浊平 清上 次浊上 全浊上 清去 浊去 清入 浊入
金华7 阴平334 阳平313 阴上535 ＝阴上 ＝阴上 阴去55 阳去14 阴入?4 阳人?212
汤溪7 阴平24 阳平11 阴上535 阳上113 ＝阳上 阴去52 阳去341 阴入55 ＝阳上
兰溪7 阴平33 阳平21 阴上534 ＝阴上 ＝阴上 阴去45 阳去24 阴入?34 阳人？12
浦江8 阴平33 阳平213 阴上53 阳上31 ＝阳上 阴去445 阳去13 阴入334 阳入223
义乌6 阴平33 阳平213 阴上53 阳上31 ＝阳上 阴去55 阳去13 ＝阴平 ＝阳平
东阳8 阴平33 阳平113 阴上55 阳上22 ＝阳上 阴去53 阳去13 阴入434 阳人212
磐安6 阴平445 阳平213 阴上434 ＝阴上 阳上244 阴去52 阳去14 ＝阴上 ＝阳平
永康6 阴平44 阳平22 阴上35 阳上13 ＝阳上 阴去52 阳去241/24 ＝阴上 ＝阳上
武义8 阴平24 阳平213 阴上55 阳上13 ＝阳上 阴去53 阳去31 阴入?5 阳入n12
衙州7 阴平434 阳平323 阴上45 阴去阳去 ＝阳去 阴去53 阳去231 阴人?5 阳入？12
龙游8 阴平434 阳平21 阴上45 阳上213 ＝阳上 阴去52 阳去231 阴人？5 阳入?23
开化7 阴平45 阳平341 阴上53 阴上阳去 ＝阳去 阴去423 阳去212 阴入?5 阳入?24
常山8 阴平45 阳平341 阴上52 阳上24 ＝阳上 阴去423 阳去212 阴入乃 阳人?34
江山8 阴平44 阳平313 阴上343 阳上33 ＝阳上 阴去52 阳去31 阴人?5 阳入乃
上饶8 阴平55 阳平312 阴上53 阳上31 ＝阳上 阴去523 阳去212 阴入？5 阳入乃
广丰8 阴平445 阳平231 阴上52 阳上214 ＝阳上 阴去424 阳去223 阴入？?5 阳人?23
玉山8 阴平33 阳平24 阴上45 阳上22 ＝阳上 阴去52 阳去31 阴入乃 阳入?23
丽水7 阴平24 阳平n 阴上544 ＝阴上 ＝阳平 阴去52 阳去231 阴入？?5 阳人?23
遂昌8 阴平55 阳平221 阴上52 阳上13 ＝阳上 阴去334 阳去212 阴人朽 阳人?23
松阳8 阴平51 阳平31 阴上214 阳上22 ＝阳上 阴去35 阳去13 阴入乃 阳人?2
宣平8 阴平24 阳平323 阴上44 阳上223 ＝阳上 阴去53 阳去31 阴人朽 阳入刀
婿云8 阴平334 阳平231 阴上53 阳上31 ＝阳上 阴去554 阳去213 阴入423 阳入35
青田8 阴平334 阳平211 阴上354 阳上243 ＝阳上 阴去33 阳去22 阴入?43 阳入?32
云和8 阴平324 阳平423 阴上53 ＝阴上 阳上21 阴去55 阳去223 阴入乃 阳入?24
景宁8 阴平423 阳平312 阴上33 阳上31 二阳上 阴去45 阳去13 阴人朽 阳入?23
龙泉7 阴平335 阳平211 阴上52 ＝阴上 ＝阴上 阴去44 阳去113 阴入54 阳人23
庆元8 阴平334 阳平52 阴上33 阳上221 ＝阳上 阴去n 阳去31 阴入朽 阳人?34
温州8 阴平44 阳平31 阴上45 阳上34 ＝阳上 阴去42 阳去22 阴人323 阳入212
永嘉8 阴平44 阳平31 阴上454 阳上243 ＝阳上 阴去42 阳去22 阴人34 阳入213
乐清8 阴平44 阳平31 阴上45 阳上24 二阳上 阴去42 阳去22 阴入323 阳人212
瑞安8 阴平44 阳平31 阴上54 阳上243 ＝阳上 阴去42 阳去22 阴入34 阳人213
洞头8 阴平44 阳平31 阴上45 阳上34 ＝阳上 阴去42 阳去22 阴入323 阳入212
平阳8 阴平44 阳平31 阴上54 ＝阴上 阳上243 阴去42 阳去22 阴入34 阳入213
苍南8 阴平44 阳平21 阴上54 ＝阴上 阳上45 阴去42 阳去22 阴入24 阳人213
文成8 阴平445 阳平113 阴上454 阳上324 二阳上 阴去334 阳去313 阴人24 阳入213
泰顺8 阴平213 5 阴上344 ＝阴上 阳上31 阴去35 阳去22 阴入25 阳人左
浦城7 阴平35 阳平 阴上44 阳上54 阳上阳去 阴去423 阳去21 入声32 人声

三 需要讨论的几个问题
3 A few issues that must be discussed

如上所述，”南部吴语”可以跟”北部吴语”或”太湖片”（以及宣州片）吴语相对而言，这必然涉及它与”北部吴语”或”太湖片”（以及宣州片）吴语以及周围有关方言的分界问题。
As mentioned above, “Southern Wu” can be contrasted with “Northern Wu” or “Taihu group” (plus Xuanzhou group), which must necessarily involve the boundary issues of “Northern Wu” or “Taihu group” (plus Xuanzhou group).
在上一小节，我们已经提出了一个”南部吴语”的界定，这里再对几个相关的问题作进一步的说明和讨论。
In the previous subsection, we already put forward a resolution about “Southern Wu”, and here we will take another step forward in explanation and discussion of a few interrelated issues.
1．台州方言
1. Taizhou Dialects
傅国通等（1986:5)指出”台州片”的特点如下：
Fu Guotong et al. (1986:5) proposed the following features of “Taizhou group”:
(1) [k kh g h] 声母拼撮口呼韵母。
(1) The onsets [k kh g h] can go with `tense-lip’ ([y]-initial) rhymes.
如天台、临海、仙居、黄岩：举ky3 | 区khy1 | 跪gy4；临海、黄岩：穷 gyoN2 | 嗅hyoN5；仙居、黄岩：拳gyo2 | 军kyn1。
For example, in Tiantai, Linhai, Xianju, and Huangyan: 举ky3 | 区khy1 | 跪gy4；in Linhai and Huangyan: 穷 gyoN2 | 嗅hyoN5；in Xianju and Huangyan：拳gyo2 | 军kyn1
据《台州地区志》(1995）和《临海县志》(1989), [k kh g h]声母也可拼齐齿呼韵母，[k kh g h] 拼细音时的实际读音为[c ch J C]，临海市区新派一律读[tX tXh dZ X]。
According to _History of Taizhou Region_ (1995) and _History of Linhai County_ (1989), the onsets [k kh g h] can also go with `close-teeth’ ([i]-initial) rhymes. Before high front vowels, [k kh g h] become
pronounced as [c ch J C] (palatals), except that in Linhai City, they are pronounced as [tX tXh dZ X] (palatalized postalveolars).
（此处音节右上角的代码为调类，参看本章第三节”本书体例说明”。—笔者按）
(The codes on the right side of the syllable are tone categories. See section 3 of this chapter “Explanations of this book’s style”. — the Author)
(2）阴去字单说一律读高平调。
Tone IVa (T7) citation form is always pronounced as a high level tone.
如临海、黄岩、温岭：靠 khO55。
For example, Linhai, Huangyan, Wenling: 靠 khO55.
（此处音节右上角的数字为调值，参看本章第三节”本书体例说明”。—笔者按）
(The codes on the right side of the syllable are tone values. See section 3 of this chapter “Explanations of this book’s style”. — the Author)
(3）用变音表示儿尾。
They use tone change to express diminutive.
如温岭：桃dO15 桃儿 <= dO31桃 | 凿zO~51凿子 <= zo’11凿。
For example, Wenling: 桃dO15 `little peach’ <= dO31桃 `peach’ | 凿zO~51 `little chisel’ <= zo’11凿 `chisel’。
(4)”姐夫、妹夫”都叫”姊丈”。
The husbands of younger and older sisters are both called “姊丈”.
“早晨”叫”枯心”，只有仙居叫”五更”。
“Early morning” is called “枯心” (lit. dry heart); only in Xianju is it called “the fifth watch”.
(5)动词重叠后加”想”，表示短暂或尝试。
“想” after a reduplicated verb expresses a brief or attempted action.
（据傅国通等1985:18，宁海、三门、黄岩用”相”。据戴昭铭1999，天台也用”相”，天台的”相”就是”看”的意思。—笔者按）
(According to Fu Guotong et al. 1985:18, Ninghai, Sanmen and Huangyan use “相”. According to Dai Zhaoming 1999, Tiantai also uses “相”, which in Tiantai just means “see”. — the Author)
从这几条简要的特征，我们很难判断台州方言是否应该单立一片。
From these brief characteristics, it is difficult for us to determine if Taizhou dialects should be considered a dialect group.
现在我们根据别的理由，试图把台州方言归入太湖片。这几条理由是：
Currently, for other reasons, we attempt to classify Taizhou dialects back in the Taihu group. The reasons for this are:
(1)台州方言可与太湖片方言通话。
Taizhou dialects can converse with Taihu group dialects.
（据潘悟云、郑张尚芳先生告知。秋谷裕幸先生曾对临海方言做过简单调查，也认为临海方言比较接近太湖片方言。）
(According to Pan Wuyun and Zhengzhang Shangfang. Qiugu Yuxing previously carried out a simple survey of Linhai dialects, and he also considers Linhai dialects very close to Taihu group dialects.)
就这一点来说，台州方言没有资格从太湖片里分出来而成为”南部吴语”的一种，因为其他南部吴语均以面貌特异、与其他方言通话程度低（尤其是无法与太湖片方言通话）为其显著特征。
By this we mean that Taizhou dialects do not qualify to be seperated from Taihu group and made one kind of “Southern Wu”, because other Southern Wu all has unusual features, and the level of intelligibility among dialects is low (in particular, they are mutually unintelligible with Taihu group dialects), its outstanding characteristic.
(2)傅国通等（1985:17）指出：”本片（指台州片—笔者按）方言内部比较一致，一般能互相通话”。
Fu Guotong et al. (1985:17) proposed: “The dialects of this group (referring to the Taizhou group — the Author) are fairly similar. They are generally mutually intelligible.”
《台州地区志》(1995:1078）指出：
_History of Taizhou Region_ (1995:1078) proposes:
“台州方言片以临海市为中心，市北与仙居、天台、三门3县通称上乡话，口音比较强硬；市南与温岭、黄岩、玉环、椒江4县市通称下乡话，口音较柔软；上、下乡语音有细微差别。”
“Taizhou dialect group takes Linhai as its center. The three counties in the north of the city — Xianju, Tiantai and Sanmen — are called highland speech, which has a fairly rough accent. The four counties in
the south of the city — Wenling, Huangyan, Yubei and Jiaojiang — are called lowland speech, which has a fairly soft accent. There is a fine distinction between highland and lowland pronunciation.”
由此看来，台州方言内部一致性相当强，而内部一致性强、通话程度高也是太湖片方言的一个特征，南部吴语的金衢片、上丽片内部差异都很大，通话程度也很低。
From this it appears that there is a fairly strong consistency among Taizhou dialects. Yet a strong internal consistency and a high level of mutual intelligibility are characteristic of Taihu group dialects,
whereas the Southern Wu groups Jinqu and Shangli have great internal differences and a low level of mutual intelligibility.
(3）据《台州地区志》(1995)，咸山摄阳声韵字读 [E iE uE]、 [o/ uo/ yo/] 两组韵母，如临海：班 pE33 | 连
liE22 | 弯 uE33 | 半 po/55 | 官 kuo/33 | 全Zyo/22。
According to _History of Taizhou Region_ (1995), low register `xian’ and `shan’ rhymes are pronounced [E iE uE] and [o/ uo/ yo/], such as Linhai: 班 pE33 | 连 liE22 | 弯 uE33 | 半 po/55 | 官 kuo/33 | 全 Zyo/22。
这些字的韵母读法十分接近浙江北部地区的吴语。
The rhymes of these characters are all similar to Wuyu of the northern Zhejiang area.
当然，由于目前的台州方言资料有限，把台州方言归入太湖片只不过是一种尝试。
Of course, because the current information about Taizhou dialects is limited, classifying Taizhou dialects in the Taihu group is only tentative.
如果要下定论，必须进行专门的调查研究。
If we want a final conclusion, we must conduct specialized survey research.
本书暂时按”台州归太湖”的办法来处理，这样做的好处是可以使”南部吴语”具有更大程度上的共性
The advantage of the way this book temporarily treats “Taizhou as Taihu” is that it makes “Southern Wu” have an even greater degree of general character.
（郑张尚芳先生告诉笔者，台州方言上声调带紧喉现象，这个特点跟温州话相似。
(Zhengzhang Shangfang has told the author that Taizhou dialect tone III has glottal constriction, which resembles Wenzhou dialect.
他认为台州方言可以算作太湖片与瓯江片的过渡区）。
He believes Taizhou dialects can be regarded as intermediate between Taihu group and Oujiang group.
2．严州方言
2. Yanzhou Dialects
“严州方言”是指分布在浙江省西部原严州府的淳安、遂安、建德、寿昌四县，亦即今杭州市的淳安县（遂安并入淳安）、建德市（寿昌并入建德）的汉语方言。
“Yanzhou dialects” are located in western Zhejiang, the four counties Chun’an, Sui’an, Jiande and Shouchang of the former Yanzhou Prefecture. That is, the Chinese dialects of modern-day Hangzhou
City’s Chun’an County (Sui’an was merged with Chun’an) and Jiande City (Shouchang was merged with Jiande).
建德、寿昌、遂安分别与金华地区的浦江、兰溪，衢州地区的龙游、衢县、常山、开化等县市接壤。
Jiande, Shouchang and Sui’an are distinct from Jinhua Region’s Pujiang and Lanxi and from Quzhou Region’s Longyou, Quxian, Changshan, Kaihua, and other bordering areas.
曹志耘（1996a: 9）认为：”要确定严州方言的性质和系属为时尚早”。
Cao Zhiyun (1996a: 9) acknowledges: “It is premature to try to decide the characteristics and classification of Yanzhou dialects.”
通过近几年的思考，笔着现在倾向于把徽语和吴语合起来，严州方言是其中的一部分。
After these few years of consideration, the author now favors joining Huiyu and Wuyu together, and Yanzhou dialects are one part of it.
但这不是本书的论题，这里要讨论的是严州方言不宜归入”南部吴语”的问题。
But this is not this book’s topic. Here we will discuss the issue of why it is not appropriate to include Yanzhou dialects in “Southern Wu”.
从严州方言的具体情况来看，淳安话和遂安话具有很大的独特性，跟南部吴语差别很大，无法归入南部吴语。
Based on Yanzhou dialects’ specific situation, Chun’an dialect and Sui’an dialect have great individuality, differing greatly from Southern Wu and incapable of being classified as Southern Wu.
严州方言与南部吴语有纠葛的问题有两个。
Yanzhou dialects and Southern Wu have two disputed questions.
一是建德、寿昌的文读系统跟金华城里方言的文读系统非常接近（跟兰溪、龙游等地的文读系统也很接近），二是寿昌的白读系统中也有一些与南部吴语特别是金衢片吴语相近的特点。
One is that the literary pronunciation system of Jiande and Shouchang are extraordinarily close to that of urban Jinhua. (It is also very similar to the literary pronunciation of Lanxi, Longyou, etc.) The second is that Shouchang casual pronunciation has a few features similar to Southern Wu, particularly the Jinqu group.
关于第一个间题，建德、寿昌人把本地的文读系统叫做”浙江方言”，金华城里文读系统的特点接近北部吴语特别是浙江省的强势方言杭州话，从形成过程、使用情况和语言特征来看，这些地方的文读系统实际上都是所谓”浙江官话”（浙江的地区共同语）的地域变体，所以不能据此认为建德、寿昌方言与金华方言相近。
Regarding the first question, the people of Jiande and Shouchang call their system of literary pronunciation “Zhejiang dialect”, and urban Jinhua’s literary pronunciation is similar to that of Northern Wu, particularly to that of the influential Hangzhou dialect. Based on the formation process, usage situation and language features, the literary pronunciation systems of these places are actually local variants of the so-called “Zhejiang Officialese” (Zhejiang’s regional lingua franca). So we can not consider Jiande and Shouchang dialects similar to Jinhua dialects on those grounds.
关于第二个问题，寿昌方言的白读系统里的确存在一些与南部吴语特别是金衢片吴语相同相近，而与徽语、太湖片吴语不同的地方。
As to the second question, Shouchang dialect’s casual pronunciation has a few similarities with Southern Wu, especially the Wuyu of Jinqu group, and it has several differences from Huiyu and Taihu group Wuyu.
例如，[n], [l]声母徽语多数地点相混，寿昌不混；”厚”字徽语多数地点读擦音声母，寿昌读塞音声母；”人”说”农”；”事情”说”事干”；句尾”了”说”罢”；程度副词用”猛”，等等。
For example, the onsets [n] and [l] are merged in most of Huiyu, but in Shouchang they are not. The character “厚” is pronounced with a fricative onset in most Huiyu locations, but in Suichang it is pronounced with a stop. They say “农” for `person’, “事干” for `business affairs’, “罢” for sentence-final “了”, “猛” as the degree adverb, and so on.
但是，寿昌方言有一些很重要的特征是南部吴语所没有的：
However, Suichang dialect has a few important features that Southern Wu places don’t have:
(1)古全浊声母全部清化，逢塞音塞擦音一律读送气清音。
(1) Classical voiced onsets are all devoiced, and all stops and affricates are aspirated.
(2)去声不分阴阳，都读 [33] 调。文读中清去与清上、次浊上合，浊去与全浊上合。
(2) Tone IV has no register distinction, with both pronounced as [33]. In literary pronunciation, tone II and III with voiceless onsets are merged with tone II with sonorant onsets, and tone III with voiced
onsets and tone II with voiced obstruent onsets are merged.
寿昌方言去声（特别是清去）与其他声调合并这一特征跟徽语及北部吴语的某些方言相近。
This characteristic of Shouchang dialect tone III (especially voiceless III) merging with other tones resembles certain dialects of Huiyu and Northern Wu.
(3)”阴高阳低”的调值模式已不复存在，寿昌方言白读系统的8个单字调如下：
阴平［112］阴上［24］去声［33］阴入甲［55］阴入乙［?3］
阳平［52］ 阳上［534］ 阳入［31］
The pattern of high and low pitches for high and low registers in not mantained. The 8 citation tones of Shouchang dialect casual pronunciation system are as follows:
Ia［112］IIa［24］IIIa［33］IVa.i［55］IVa.ii［?3］
Ib［52］ IIb［534］ IVb［31］
(4）调类合并时已突破”阴阴合并”或”阳阳合并”的模式，白读中清去与浊去不分，部分浊入字合入阴上调，文读中次浊上与清上、清去合。
When the tone categories merge, that patterns of “high-register merger” and “low register merger” are already broken. In casual pronunciation, voiceless III and voiced III are not distinguished, and some of the voiced IV characters merge with IIa tone. In literary pronunciation, sonorants of II and voiceless obstruents of II and III are merged.
(5）词汇、语法方面也有一些重要现象与南部吴语不同，如”我”说 [tsa2]，”你”说 [tsen2]，介词”把”用”把”，等。
Lexical and grammatical aspects also have a few important differences from Southern Wu, such as [tsa2] for “I”, [tsen2] for “you”, “把” for the object-marking preposition, and so on.
根据以上特征，我们不把寿昌话归入”南部吴语”。
Based on the above characteristics, we don’t include Shouchang in “Southern Wu”.
3．上饶吴语
3. Shangrao Wu
江西省东部上饶地区的部分县市即上饶市、上饶县、广丰县、玉山县以及德兴市的陇头村的方言属于南部吴语，这应该没有太大的问题。
The dialects of part of the Shangrao region of east Jiangxi Province, namely Shangrao City, Shangrao County, Guangfeng County and Yushan County, as well as Longtou Village of Dexing City, belong to Southern Wu. There shouldn’t be much problem with this.
只是广丰方言古全浊擦音声母已经全部清化，古全浊塞音、塞擦音声母（尤其是在轻声音节）相对清化。
It is just that in Guangfeng dialect, ancient voiced fricative onsets have completely devoiced, and ancient voiced stops and affricates (especially in neutral-tone syllables) have become relatively
devoiced.
但全浊声母清化在吴语里已不是个别现象，金华、衢州一带方言的所谓全浊声母不少也可以记作清声母。
But voiced obstruent devoicing in Wuyu is not an individual phenomenon. In dialects of Jinhua and Quzhou, nominally voiced obstruents can not uncommonly be recorded as voiceless onsets.
广丰方言仍保留平、上、去、入按古声母清浊各分阴阳（四声八调）的格局，也就是说古清浊声母字实际上并没有混同，这符合吴语的一般情况。
Guangfeng dialects still retain the classical voicing/register distinction in each of the tone categories (four categories, eight tones). Which is to say, the classical onset voicing is in fact not merged at all, in keeping with the usual situation in Wuyu.
该地区的另一个问题是上饶（包括上饶市和上饶县）方言比较”新”，也就是说跟附近的吴语方言相比，发展速度比较快，保存古老特点比较少。
The other problem with the above-mentioned region is that the dialects of Shangrao (including Shangrao City and Shangrao County) are fairly “new”, which is to say that compared to the neighboring Wuyu dialects, the speed of development is fairly rapid and the ancient characteristics are not preserved very much.
例如，非组字一般不读 [p] 组声母，知组字一般不读 [t] 组声母，”人”说”人”不说”农”，”肚子”说”肚”不说”腹”，”不”说”不”不说”弗”，副词”在”（如”他在吃饭”）用”在”不用”是”、”坐”之类，等等。
For example, `fei’-group characters are generally not pronounced with a [p] onset, `zhi’-group characters are generally not pronounced with a [t] onset, they use “人” not “农” for “person”, they use “肚” not “腹” for “stomach”, they use “不” not “弗” for “not”, they use “在” not “是”, “坐”, etc. as the auxiliary (such as “他在吃饭” [He is eating]), and so on.
这种较”新”的现象跟金华、衢州等较大城市的方言有相同之处。
This kind of fairly “new” phenomena is the same as is found in the dialects of Jinhua, Quzhou, and other fairly large cities.
4．浦城吴语
4. Pucheng Wuyu
福建省西北部浦城县北部的12个乡镇（包括县城南浦镇）使用吴语。浦城吴语具有较大的独特性。
Wuyu is spoken in 12 villages of northern Pucheng County in northwestern Fujian Province. Pucheng Wuyu is quite distinctive.
在声母方面，古全浊声母全部清化，逢塞音塞擦音绝大多数字读不送气清音，例如：皮pi213 | 柱 tXy54 | 殿 tia~i21 | 杂 tsa32。
As for onsets, ancient voiced obstruents all devoiced, in a great number of characters, stops and affricates are pronounced without aspiration, for example: 皮 pi213 | 柱 tXy54 | 殿 tia~i21 | 杂 tsa32.
端母字读［l］声母，例如：低 lie35 | 朵 luo44 | 到 lao423 | 答 la32，因此，定母 [t] 跟端母[l] 并不同音。
Characters with `duan’ initials are pronounced with [l] onsets, such as: 低 lie35 | 朵 luo44 | 到 lao423 | 答 la32, and so `ding’ initials and `duan’ initials do not sound the same.
在韵母方面，古入声字已全部失去塞音韵尾，变为开尾或元音尾韵母。
As for rhymes, the ancient tone IV characters have all lost their stop codas and become empty-coda or vowel-final rhymes.
在声调方面，平、上、去三调仍然按古声母的清浊各分阴阳，调值基本上保留了”阴高阳低”的模式；入声则不分阴阳，都读 [32] 调，因此造成了古清声母入声字和浊声母入声字的对立完全消失（端、定母字声母相分，除外），例如：福＝服 fu32 | 竹＝族 tsou32。
As for tones, categories I, II and III are each still divided into registers according to the ancient onset voicing constrast, and the tone pitches basically preserved the register/pitch height pattern. But tone IV is not divided into registers, and is all pronounced as [32]. For this reason, the constrast between ancient voiceless-onset characters of category IV and voiced-onset characters of category IV has disappeared. (The onsets of `duan’ and `ding’ characters do contrast and are not included.) For example, 福＝服 fu32 | 竹＝族 tsou32.
李如龙（1991:392一393)认为浦城吴语”早先它应该也是闽北方言，至今还有不少常用词和’建属六邑’相同，但从现状的整体看，它已经蜕变为吴方言，大体可与浙西南各县吴语通话，石破（位于浦城县南部，通行闽北方言—笔者按）人进城反而听不懂南浦话。
Li Rulong (1991:392-393) believes Pucheng Wuyu “probably was formerly a Min Bei dialect, and even now it still has quite a few common words the same as `the six cities of Fujian’. But looking at the current situation, it has already transformed into a Wuyu dialect. In general it is mutually intelligible with the Wuyu of all southwestern Zhejiang. When the people of Shipo (located in the southern part of
Pucheng County, and using as Min Bei dialect. — the Author) go to town, they actually don’t understand the Nanpu [South Pucheng] dialect spoken there.
“浦城吴语是否能跟相邻的浙江省江山、遂昌、龙泉等地方言通话，尚难以肯定。
“It is still difficult to determine whether Pucheng Wuyu is mutually intelligible with the dialects in the neighboring Zhejiang counties of Jiangshan, Suichang, Longquan, etc.
但可以看到，浦城吴语里存在不少与这些地区方言相近的南部吴语特征，例如有 [f] 声母，端母字读 [l] 声母（龙泉横坑头、庆元端母字读
[?d] 声母），”打”读［n］声母，”咬”读 [Nao4] ,”人”说”农”，”田”说”田”不说”滕”，”吃”说 [lie7]，等等。
But it can be seen that quite a few of the characteristics of Southern Wu found in Pucheng Wuyu are similar to the dialects of those regions. For example, there is the [f] onset, the `duan’ onset characters
pronounced with [l] onset (Hengkengtou of Longquans and Qingyuan pronounce `duan’ onsets as [?d]), “打” is pronounced with [n] onset, “咬” is pronounced [Nao4], they use “农” for “person”, “田” not “滕” for
“field”, “吃” is pronounced [lie7], and so on.
5．庆元、龙泉方言
5. Dialects of Qingyuan and Longquan
最后要讨论的是浙江省南端的庆元县和龙泉市的方言。
The last thing to discuss is the dialects of Zhejiang’s southernmost regions, Qingyuan County and Longquan City.
罗杰瑞(1995:175)指出：”浙江省除了西南的庆元（译文误作”庆源”—笔者按）、龙泉等地以外，都讲吴语”，并说”这是 J .
Norman 从庆元人语音中得出的看法”(1995:185)。
Luo Jierui (1995:175) proposed: “Zhejiang Province, except for Qingyuan (mistranslated as Qingyuan [diff. character] — the Author), Longquan, etc in the southwest, all speak Wuyu.” He also says, “This
is the opinion J. Norman arrived at from recordings of Qingyuan speakers.”
说浙江省除了庆元、龙泉以外都讲吴语，显然是有欠周详的。
Saying that Zhejiang Province speaks Wuyu except for Qingyuan and Longquan is clearly not detailed enough.
众所周知，苍南县的大部分地区使用闽语，洞头、平阳、泰顺等县也有不少地方使用闽语。
As everyone knows, most of the area of Cangnan County uses Min, and Dongtou, Pingyang, Taishun, etc. also have quite a few places that use Min.
至于庆元县方言的系属问题，据笔者和秋谷裕幸先生调查，庆元县绝大部分地区说吴语，只有东南角江根乡的江根、水寨、坝头、下青田、上青田、沙衣湖、答坑几个村说一种接近福建寿宁话的方言。
As to the question of the classification of Qingyuan County dialects, according to the author and Qiugu Yuxing’s survey, the vast majority of Qingyuan County speaks Wuyu, and there is only the villages Jianggen, Shuizhai, Batou, Lower Qingtian, Upper Qingtian, Shayi Lake and Dakeng of Jianggen Country in the northeast corner, which speak a dialect that is similar to Fujian’s Shouning dialect.
庆元吴语古全浊声母字今不论平仄一律读作不送气的清塞音、清塞擦音或清擦音，例如：婆po52 | 簿 p&221 | 定 tIN31 | 碟 tia?34 | 茶 tso52 | 桥 txiA52 | 直 txi?34 | 肥 fi52 | 蝉 xiE~52 I实 xi@W?34。
Qingyuan Wuyu ancient voiced obstruent onsets, regardless of tone, are all pronounced as unaspirated stops, affricates or fricatives. For example, 婆po52 | 簿 p&221 | 定 tIN31 I 碟 tia?34 | 茶 tso52 | 桥 txiA52 | 直 txi?34 | 肥 fi52 | 蝉 xiE~52 I实 xi@W?34.
同时，帮、端母字分别读作 [?b] 声母和 [?d] 声母（这一特点跟龙泉横坑头、云和、景宁、青田等地吴语相同），例如 此 ?bi33 | 扮 ?ba~11 I 八 ?bo?50 I 底 ?die33 | 东 ?doN334 I答 ?da?50。
At the same time, `bang’ and `duan’ characters are pronounced with [?b] and [?d] onsets respectively. (This feature is similar to the Wuyu of Hengkengtou, Yunhe, Jingning, Qingtian, etc. of Longquan.) For
example, 此 ?bi33 | 扮 ?ba~11 I 八 ?bo?50 I 底 ?die33 | 东 ?doN334 | 答 ?da?50.
因此，並母［p］跟帮母［?b］并不同音，定母［t］跟端母［?d］并不同音。
For this reason, `bing’ onsets [p] and `bang’ onsets [?b] are not homophonous, and `ding’ onsets [t] and `duan’ onsets [?d] are not homophonous.
韵母系统里只有一个鼻尾，一个喉塞尾。
The rhyme inventory only has one nasal coda and one glottal stop coda.
声调系统比较完整地保留了平、上、去、入按古声母的清浊各分阴阳（四声八调）的模式。
The tone inventory has fairly completely retained the register split pattern of the four tone categories according to the ancient onset voicing contrast (four categories, eight contours).
有丰富的小称现象，等等。
It has abundant dimunitive phenomena, and so on.
龙泉市境内除了舍话、客家话、淳安话（徽语）方言岛以外，都使用龙泉吴语。
Within Longquan City, besides She, Hakka, and Chun’an (Huiyu) dialect islands, it all uses Longquan Wuyu.
龙泉吴语古全浊声母字今不论平仄一律读作不送气的清塞音、清塞擦音或清擦音，帮、端母字城里读［p
t］声母，有的乡下（如与庆元相邻的横坑头）读［?b ?d］声母，这些特点跟庆元相同。
Longquan Wuyu ancient voiced obstruent onsets, regardless of tone, are all pronounced as unaspirated stops, affricates or fricatives. Onsets of `bang’ and `duan’ characters are pronounced as [p t] in the city,
and in some rural areas (like Hengkengtou bordering Qingyuan) they are pronounced [?b ?d], features which are just like Qingyuan.
在其他方面，龙泉话具有一般吴语的特性，比如声调系统平、上、去、入按古声母的清浊各分阴阳；浊上字归阴上，跟金华城里、兰溪、磐安方言相同。
In other aspects, Longquan dialect has the properties of Wuyu in general, like the tone inventory preserving the register contrast in each of the tone categories according to the classical onset voicing.
Only voiced tone III merged with IIIa, just like urban Jinhua, Lanxi and Pan’an dialects.
从以上情况来看，庆元县、龙泉市的绝大部分地区的方言属于南部吴语，是没有问题的。
Based on the above situation, the dialects of the vast majority of Qingyuan County and Longquan City are classified as Southern Wu, without question.

二 方言区划
2 Dialect zones

傅国通等（1985）把浙江省境内的吴语方言分成二区九片：
Fu Guotong et al. (1985) divided Zhejiang’s Wuyu dialects into nine groups in two regions.
浙北区：嘉兴片，湖州片，杭州片，临绍片，明州片
Northern Zhejiang: Jiaxing group, Huzhou group, Hangzhou group, Linshao group, and Mingzhou group
浙南区：台州片，温州片，婆州片，丽衢片
Southern Zhejiang: Taizhou group, Wenzhou group, Wuzhou group, and Liqu group
原严州府地区淳安、遂安、建德、寿昌四县属于徽语，未包括在内。
The region of the former Yanzhou prefecture — Chun’an, Suian, Jiande, Shouchang — were classified as Huiyu, and so they are not included.
傅国通等（1986）和《中国语言地图集》(1988）都把吴语分为六个片：太湖片，台州片，瓯江片，婺州片，处衢片，宣州片。
Fu Guotong et al. (1986) and _China Language Atlas_ (1988) both divided Wuyu into six groups: Taihu group, Taizhou group, Oujiang group, Wuzhou group, Chuqu group, and Xuanzhou group.
这个分区取消了南北对立，在第一层次上就一分为六。
This division ignores the opposition between north and south, dividing it into six top-level groups.
不过就浙江省南部地区吴语的分片来说，基本上沿袭了傅国通等（1985）的方案，只是在名称上略有改动，即”温州片”改称”瓯江片”，”丽衢片”改称”处衢片”。
But in respect to the Wu of just southern Zhejiang province, it basically carried on the proposal of Fu Guotong et al. (1985). Only in the names is there some change, namely “Wenzhou group” is changed to “Oujiang group”, and “Liqu group” is changed to “Chuqu group”.
有些人（傅国通等1985）曾试图把”南部吴语”当作一个相对独立的方言区，但事实上很难成功。
There are some people (Fu Guotong et al. 1985) who had previously tried to make “Southern Wu” a relatively independent dialect region, but this is actually difficult to accomplish.
其原因在于，在所谓的”南部吴语”区域内部，各地方言之间的差异实在是太大了。
The reason for this lies in that within the region of so-called “Southern Wu”, the differences among the individual dialects are too great.
在这种情况下，”南部吴语”这个名称的作用实际上主要是作为”地理概念”来使用，它的意思就是”吴语南部地区的方言”或”浙江省南部及其邻近地区的吴语”，跟”北部吴语”相对。
Under these circumstances, the effect of this label “Southern Wu” is in fact mainly to use a geographical concept. Its meaning is simply “the dialects spoken in the southern part of Wuyu’s region” or “the Wuyu spoken in southern Zhejiang Province and neighboring areas,” in opposition to “Northern Wu”.
当然，有时候它也可以跟”太湖片”（实际上还有宣州片，不过它容易被人忘记）相对而言，但这时的意思仍然等于”吴语南部地区的方言”或”太湖片（以及宣州片）以外的吴语”，并不是指一个跟”太湖片”（以及宣州片）相对的方言区。
Of course, sometimes it can also be used in opposition to “Taihu group.” (Actually, there is also Xuanzhou group, but it is easily forgotten.) But this meaning is still equivalent to “the dialects of the southern part of Wuyu’s region” or “the Wuyu dialects other than the Taihu group (plus the Xuanzhou group)”, which is not at all a dialect zone in contrast with “Taihu group (and Xuanzhou group).”
本书把台州地区的方言归入太湖片（参看下一小节），因此，本书所说的”南部吴语”的具体区划，相当于吴语六个片当中的婆州片、处衢片和瓯江片三片。
This book classifies the dialects of Taizhou region in the Taihu group (see the next subsection). For this reason, the specific region referred to by this book’s “Southern Wu” is equivalent to three of six top-level Wuyu dialect groups: Wuzhou group, Chuqu group, and Oujiang group.
因本书对南部吴语进行了重新分区，为了叙述和阅读的方便，本书在涉及南部吴语内部次方言区的时候，除了引述他人材料或观点以外，一律采用本书的分区方案（详见第六章第三节”南部吴语的分区”）：
Because this book advances new subzones of Southern Wu, for the ease of description and reading, when this book mentions the dialect zones of Southern Wu, except when quoting the data or views of others, this book’s subzone proposal is used.
1．金衢片：12县市
1. Jinqu group: 12 areas
金华地区：金华，汤溪（今撤并入金华县），兰溪，浦江，义乌，东阳，磐安，永康，武义（9县市）
Jinhua Region: Jinhua, Tangxi (now merged with Jinhua County), Lanxi, Pujiang, Yiwu, Dongyang, Pan’an, Yongkang, Wuyi (9 areas)
衢州地区：衢州，龙游（2县市）
Quzhou Region: Quzhou, Longyou (2 areas)
丽水地区：缙云（1县）
Lishui Region: Jinyun (1 area)
2．上丽片：17县市
Shangli group: 17 areas
(1)上山小片：6县市
(1) Shangshan subgroup: 6 areas
上饶地区：上饶，广丰，玉山（3县市）
Shangrao Region: Shangrao, Guangfeng, Yushan (3 areas)
衢州地区：开化，常山，江山（3县市）
Quzhou Region: Kaihua, Changshan, Jiangshan (3 areas)
(2)丽水小片：11县市
(2) Lishui subgroup: 11 areas
丽水地区：丽水，遂昌，松阳，宣平（今撤并入金华地区武义县），青田，云和，景宁，龙泉，庆元（9县市）
Lishui Region: Lishui, Suichang, Songyang, Xuanping (now merged with Jinhua Region’s Wuyi County), Qingtian, Yunhe, Jingning, Longquan, Qingyuan (9 areas)
温州地区：泰顺（1县）
Wenzhou Region: Taishun (1 area)
南平地区：浦城（1县）
Nanping Region: Pucheng (1 area)
3.瓯江片：8县市
3. Oujiang group: 8 areas
温州地区：温州，永嘉，乐清，瑞安，洞头，平阳，苍南，文成（8县市）
Wenzhou Region: Wenzhou, Yongjia, Yueqing, Rui’an, Dongtou, Pingyang, Cangnan, Wencheng (8 areas)

第一节 南部吴语的范围
Section 1: The Extent of Southern Wu

一 地理范围
Part 1: Geographical Extent

本书所说的”南部吴语”的分布区域，包括今浙江省南部金华市、衢州市、丽水地区、温州市四个地市，以及江西省东部上饶地区的部分县市、福建省西北部浦城县的部分地区。
The region related to this book’s “Southern Wu” includes modern-day Zhejiang’s Jinhua, Quzhou, Lishui and Wenzhou regions, as well as part of Shangrao region in eastern Jiangxi, and part of Pucheng County in northern Fujian.
具体情况如下：
The specific situation is as follows:
浙江省
Zhejiang Province
金华市：婺城区，金华县①，兰溪市，浦江县，义乌市，东阳市，磐安县，永康市，武义县（9县市区）
In Jinhua: Wucheng District, Jinhua County, Lanxi City, Pujiang County, Yiwu City, Dongyang City, Panan County, Yongkang City, Wuyi County (9 areas)
衢州市：柯城区，衢县，龙游县，开化县，常山县，江山市（6县市区）
In Quzhou: Kecheng District, Qu County, Longyou County, Kaihua County, Changshan County, Jiangshan City (6 areas)
丽水地区：丽水市，遂昌县，松阳县，缙云县，青田县，云和县，景宁畲族自治县，龙泉市，庆元县（9县市）
In Lishui: Lishui City, Suichang County, Songyang County, Jinyun County, Qingtian County, Yunhe County, Jingning She Autonomous County, Longquan City, Qingyuan County (9 areas)
温州市：鹿城区，龙湾区，瓯海区，永嘉县，乐清市，瑞安市，洞头县，平阳县，苍南县，文成县，泰顺县（11县市区）
In Wenzhou: Lucheng District, Longwan District, Ouhai District, Yongjia Dounty, Leqing City, Ruian City, Dongtou County, Pingyang County, Cangnan County, Wencheng County, Taishun County (11 areas)
江西省
Jiangxi Province
上饶地区：上饶市，上饶县，广丰县，玉山县（4县市）
In Shangrao: Shangrao City, Shangrao County, Guangfeng County, Yushan County (4 areas)
福建省
Fujian Province
南平市：浦城县（1县）
In Nanping: Pucheng County (1 area)
以上共计3省6地市40县市区。对此，还需要作几点说明：
The above total 40 areas in 6 (prefecture-level) cities in 3 provinces. There are a few things that need to be explained about this.
1．这40个县市区是就现行行政区划来说的，其中有些县（如磐安县、洞头县、苍南县、文成县）是20世纪新置的，区（如婺城区、柯城区、鹿城区等）的历史更短，为20世纪80年代以后才建。
These 40 areas are simply from the perspective of administrative districts. These include some counties (such as Bi’an County, Dongtou County, Cangnan County, and Wencheng County) which were just created in the 20th century, some districts (such as Wucheng District, Kecheng
District, and Lucheng District) with even shorter histories, not established until after 1980.
有两个旧县于1958年撤销后并入他县（汤溪县并入金华县，宣平县并入武义县），未计算在以上数字内。
There are two old counties that were merged with other counties in 1958 (Tangxi County into Jinhua County, and Xuanping County into Yiwu County), which are not included in the total above.
2．在上述地区的邻近县市，也有一些零星的南部吴语分布。
In regions near the previously discussed areas, there are a few scattered islands of Southern Wu.
如浙江省建德市与浦江县交界的姚村乡，原寿昌县（今属建德市）与兰溪市交界的檀村（《中国语言地图集》作”唐村”）、里叶二乡（今合并为檀村镇），原寿昌县与龙游县交界的迁塘村，玉环县靠近乐清市的西南角地区，江西省德兴市与玉山县交界的陇头村，福建省政和县铁山乡的部分村庄等。
For example: in Zhejiang Province, Yao Village, formerly Shouchang County (now part of Jiande Region), on the boundary between Jiande and Pujiang County; Lanxi’s Tan Village (what _China Language Atlas_ calls “Tang Village”) and Liye’er Village (now joined with Tan Village);
Qiantang Village on the border between Shouchang County and Longyou County; the southwest corner of Yuhuan county near Yueqing Region; in Jiangxi Province, Longtou Village on the border between Dexing Region and Yushan County; in Fujian Province, part of Zhenghe County’s Iron
Hill country, etc.
这些地区未计算在以上数字内。
These areas are not included in the previous sum.
3．在上述40个南部吴语分布的县市区，并非所有地区全都使用南部吴语，例如浙江省乐清市只有清江以南地区，苍南县只有东北部乡镇和南端的蒲门，福建省浦城县只有北部地区（包括县城南浦镇）使用南部吴语。
In the above-mentioned 40 areas of Southern Wu, it is not the case that in every area, the whole area uses Southern Wu. For example, in Yueqing region of Zhejiang Province, it is only in the area south of
the Qing River, and in Cangnan County, there are only the villages of the northeast part and Pumen in the very south.
同时，即使在”南部吴语区域内部”还存在着众多的畲话、闽语、赣语、客家话、浙江淳安话（属徽语严州片）、官话方言岛，例如浙江省丽水、景宁、遂昌、泰顺、文成、龙游、云和等县市有大量畲话分布，浙江省江山市的廿八都、开化县的华埠等地则使用官话方言。
At the same time, within “Southern Wu territory” there still exist numerous islands of She, Min, Gan, Hakka, Zhejiang Chun’an (belonging to Hui Yanzhou dialect group), and Mandarin. For example, Zhejiang’s Lishui, Jingning, Suichang, Taishun, Wencheng, Longyou, Yunhe, etc. have large numbers of She speakers, and Jiangshan Region’s 28 Du, Kaihua County’s Huabu, etc. use Mandarin dialects.
详细情况可参看本章第二节”本地区语言概貌”。
The details of the situation can be found in Section 2 of this chapter: “A general view of this region’s languages.”
南部吴语的使用人口，根据《中国语言地图集》吴语婺州片、处衢片、瓯江片三片人口合计，共有1470万。
For a population estimate of Southern Wu speakers, according to _China Language Atlas_, Wuzhou group, Chuqu group, and Oujiang group together have a population of 14,700,000.
《中国语言地图集》所依据的是1982年第三次全国人口普查的数据。
_China Language Atlas_ is based on data from the 3rd national population census of 1982.
至1999年底，金华、衢州、丽水、温州四地市人口总数为1655万，加上上饶地区和浦城使用南部吴语的人口，减去乐清、苍南等地不使用南部吴语的人口，目前使用南部吴语的人口总数将近1800万。
At the end of 1999, Jinhua, Quzhou, Lishui and Wenzhou had a total population of 16,550,000. If you add in the speakers in Shangrao and Pucheng, and subtract the population in Yueqing, Cangnan, etc. that don’t use Southern Wu, the current population of speakers of Southern
Wu totals almost 18,000,000.
为了叙述和阅读的方便，在一般情况下，本书对南部吴语地区内的行政单位的称述作如下技术处理：
For ease of description and reading, under these general circumstances, this book uses the following administrative units to describe Southern Wu areas:
1．把地级行政单位（地区、地级市）一律称作”地区”，如把金华市称作”金华地区”，把衢州市称作”衢州地区”，把温州市称作”温州地区”。
It takes ranked administrative areas (”regions” and “ranked cities”) and uniformly calls them “regions”. For example, Jinhua (prefecture-level) City is called “Jinhua Region”, Quzhou (prefecture-level) City is called “Quzhou Region”, and Wenzhou (prefecture-level) City is called “Wenzhou Region”.
2．由于”区”都是新近从地市政府所在地的那个县里分出来的，所以书中把婺城区、金华县合称作”金华”，把柯城区、衢县合称作”衢州”，把鹿城、龙湾，瓯海三区合称作”温州”，并把上饶市、上饶县合称作”上饶”。
Because the “districts” are all city government sites, recently seperated from their counties, Wu Urban District and Jinhua County are together called “Jinhua”, Ke Urban District and Qu County are together
called Quzhou, Lucheng, Longwan and Ouhai are together called Wenzhou, and in addition Shangrao City and Shangrao County are together called Shangrao.
3.称述县、市（县级市）名称时略去”县”、”畲族自治县”、”市”。
The names of counties and (county-level) cities omit “County”, “She Autonomous County” and “City”.
4．恢复使用汤溪、宣平两个旧县的名称，本书称”金华地区”时包括汤溪县在内，称”丽水地区”时包括宣平县在内，另外，涉及原严州府地区时，也恢复使用遂安、寿昌两个旧县名。
We reinstate the names of Tangxi and Xuanping former counties. When this book says “Jinhua Region”, that includes Tangxi County, and when it says “Lishui Region”, that includes Xuanping County. In addition, when the former Yanzhou prefecture is mentioned, that likewise refers to the old counties of Sui’an and Shouchang.
根据上述处理，南部吴语的分布区域如下：
According to the above-mentioned treatment, the regions of Southern Wu’s distribution is as follows:
浙江省
Zhejiang Province
金华地区：金华，汤溪，兰溪，浦江，义乌，东阳，磐安，永康，武义（9县市）
Jinhua Region: Jinhua, Tangxi, Lanxi, Pujiang, Yiwu, Dongyang, Panan, Yongkang, and Wuyi (9 areas)
衢州地区：衢州，龙游，开化，常山，江山（5县市）
Quzhou Region: Quzhou, Longyou, Kaihua, Changshan, and Jiangshan (5 areas)
丽水地区：丽水，遂昌，松阳，宣平，谱云，青田，云和，景宁，龙泉，庆元（10县市）
Lishui Region: Lishui, Suichang, Songyang, Xuanping, Puyun, Qingtian, Yunhe, Jingning, Longquan, and Qingyuan (10 areas)
温州地区：温州，永嘉，乐清，瑞安，洞头，平阳，苍南，文成，泰顺（9县市）
Wenzhou Region: Wenzhou, Yongjia, Yueqing, Ruian, Dongtou, Pingyang, Cangnan, Wencheng, and Taishun (9 areas)
江西省
Jiangxi Province
上饶地区：上饶，广丰，玉山（3县市）
Shangrao Region: Shangrao, Guangfeng, and Yushan (3 areas)
福建省
Fujian Province
南平地区：浦城（1县）
Nanping Region: Pucheng (1 area)
以上共计3省6地区37县市。
The above total 37 areas, in 6 regions, in 3 provinces.

①2001年，撤金华县，原婺城区和金华县范围重新调整为婺城、金东二区，区政府均驻金华城里。为叙述方便，本书采用撤金华县之前的行政区划。
In 2001, Jinhua County was dissolved. The boundaries of the former Wucheng District and Jinhua County were redrawn as two districts, Wucheng and Jindong, with the governments of both districts located within urban Jinhua. For simplicity, this book adopts the administrative plan of before Jinhua County was dissolved.