If you are trying to learn the p parameter of a binomial distribution, the least informative prior is the uniform distribution, i.e. Beta(1,1)

If you are fitting the same data using a logistic regression, setting your prior to be a logistic distribution with s=1 (the same scale parameter as your generative model) is equivalent to assuming a uniform distribution over the p parameters of the binomial distribution.

But that prior is more restrictive than a logistic distribution with a larger scale parameter, and thus we could make it less informative by increasing the scale. Back in the world of binomial distributions, that would be like a Beta prior with the probability mass pushed up against the edges.

How can informativeness/restrictiveness of the prior be dependent on how you parameterize the hypothesis space?

First on the list is the advice of writing 15 to 30 minutes every day. I had heard advice before about writing on a regular schedule, but the advice I’d seen before was more like to make 2 hour blocks of time. Personally, I can’t imagine making much progress in 15 minute blocks, since it seems to me like it takes 15 minutes just to remember where I was in whatever I’m writing, but I’m going to try it.

Some of the time, what I’m writing will also appear here, as “leaving your door open” is also supposed to be a good practice (though not while you’re trying to write).

Oh, and I finally figured out all the details of migrating this blog off of godaddy to 5gigs hosting!

This study documents speaker variation and lexical variation in the phonological tone change patterns of Jinhua Wu Chinese, one dialect in a region known for particularly complicated tone sandhi systems and regional variation. Previous reports of Jinhua tone sandhi have agreed that there is some lexical variation, but they have disagreed considerably about the contour shapes as well as about mergers between tone categories. It was not clear whether these were differences in methodology, stimuli selection, speaker idiolect, or systematic regional or generational differences. I recorded a word list spoken by 15 speakers of Jinhua Wu from two locations and two generations, and carried out an acoustic analysis of the pitch tracks. The analysis proposes new methods of contour parameterization and tone categorization. The results indicate that there are systematic regional and generational differences in Jinhua sandhi, as well as lexical variation. Also, the space of tone contours is highly constrained, apparently by a combination of coarticulation and the obligatory contour principle (OCP). The generational differences show active tonal evolution that is predicted by theories of sandhi arising from tonal coarticulation. The complexity of the data and the role of phonetic constraints in the phonological patterns require an explanation that appeals to historical change as much as to synchronic grammar.

And here is a new picture of the distances among speakers’ contour systems:

Similarity of speakers' contour systems

4.6 Semantic tone change
In contrast with phonological and grammatical tone change, semantic tone change uses tone change to achieve a particular semantic purpose. In Southern Wu, diminutive tone change is representative of semantic tone change. The majority of dialects select a high tone to mark diminutives, showing that there is close relationship between tone level and diminutive semantics. For example, in Qingyuan dialect, “农” is pronounced with citation tone ①L [52] ([noŋ52]) when is means person, and when it is pronounced with diminutive tone [55] ([noŋ55]), it means “picture”. Diminutive tone change is discussed in more detail in Chapter 5.
Besides diminutive tone change, the phenomenon of “internal winding” also displays the semantic function of tone change. In Southern Wu, tone-internal winding is rather common. Here we take a few examples from Tangxi dialect (which do not include cases of semantic distinctions that arise from differences between phonological tone change and grammatical or diminutive tone change).

Unedited OCR of original:

语义变调跟语音变调、语法变调相对而言，是利用声调的变化来达到特定的语义目的的现象。在南部吴语中，小称变调是一种典型的语义变调。多数方言均选择高调作为小称调，说明调值和小称意义之间具有密切的联系。例如庆元方言，“农”读本调阳平〔52 ] ( [ noiJ52 ] )时义为“人”，读小称调［551 ( [ nor355 ]）时就是“画儿”的意思。小称变调问题将放在第五章里专门详细讨论。

除了小称变调以外，声调的“内部曲折’，现象也是声调语义功能的‘一种表现。在南部吴语里，声调的内部曲折现象比较多见。这里举一些汤溪方言的例子（不包括因语音变调与语法变调、小称变调的不同而区别意义的情况）。
毛ma 1‘名词：鸡一
m324动词，下（毛毛雨）：毛毛雨儿一来罢下起毛毛雨来了木M3 113名词：树一
mo55形容词，（冻致）麻木：脚冻冻一扦tslie24动词，插：一花
ts’ie5“名词，篱笆：一堵一
坑kh扩4名词，较大的水道，多指洗涤用的水道
kha52①名词，较小的水道。②动词，排（水）：点儿水一出去爷iall父亲：一娘
1×52爷爷
腰1a24腰部
1a535肾：猪一
A ZQO11形容词，庸碌无能：一货笨蛋
ZQ034‘一；iao 4‘名词，精液
弄1×0341窗
1xO24泛义动词，搞：一点儿钞票用用loll窗，含诙谐义
老师la 11，一，1 Z12‘工匠：剃头一
la113-525124-0教师：王一
大农dy34‘一“3nao11-0大人、成人：一欺小农儿，大人欺小孩儿

dy34，一‘Inao“长辈，多指公婆：渠眼里无一个她眼里没有尊长后日。w113-11 T)6iei113以后
aw113r}iei113-0后天
六月10 113 aiy113-0①六月份。②夏天
1×113-11 r& 113专指夏天
清楚tShei24-33tShu535清楚：账算一
tShei24tShu535-0清新、整洁：渠房里顶一他的房间最清洁前后Z-Sie11-33 aw113前和后：弗顾一不顾前不顾后
Z-Sle11-33 aU-1 113-24副词，反正：一来得及个，摇慌反正来得及，别急

4.5 Grammatical tone change

Grammatical tone changes are related to specific grammatical structures, generally occuring in phrases that have fairly loose composition.
The performance of grammatical tone change is fairly delicate. Only by thorough meticulous survey can its patterns be discovered. In the course of a general dialect survey, it is very easy to mistake grammatical tone change for phonological tone change phenomena, and classify it as phonological tone change. This actually one of the reasons that have made some dialect sandhi systems appear unusually complicated.
Grammatical tone change is a kind of tone change that is common in Southern Wu. According to our current understanding of the situation, Jinhua, Tangxi, Pan’an, Yongkang, Wuyi, Quzhou, Longyou, Kaihua, Changshan, Yushan, Qingtian, Qingyuan, Wenzhou, Taishun, and others, to varying degrees, all have grammatical tone change phenomena. The following takes Tangxi dialect as an example, simply to introduce grammatical tone change in Southern Wu.

4.5.1 Verb-object form

In many dialects of Southern Wu, there is often a difference between verb-object form tone change and other forms. But the words that have this kind of different outcome in each dialect are not at all the same.
In Tangxi dialect, verb-object form tone change is limited to words that have ①H tone in the last syllable. The pattern of disyllabic verb-object tone change is: first syllable ①H [24], ①L [11], and ③H [52] all change to [33]; ③L [341], ②L [113], and ④L [113] all change to [11]; and ②H [535], and ④H [55] all change to [52]. Just like mainstream initial tone change, the second syllable doesn’t change. For example:

It must be said that the difference between Tangxi dialect verb-object form and non-verb-object forms is not completely strict. Some non-verb-object words also follow verb-object pattern tone change. For example: 杭州 uo213-33tɕiəɯ24 ‘Hangzhou’, and 火车 xuɤ535-53tshɑ24 ‘train’.

4.5.2 Number-measure form

1. Numbers other than ‘one’ + measure word
When a number is not 1, the Tangxi dialect disyllabic number-measure form tone change pattern is:
(1) Tone ② number + H measure word: first syllable ②H [535] becomes [52], and ②L [113] becomes [11], and the second syllable changes to [52].
(2) In other situations, the first syllable doesn’t change, and the second syllable becomes neutral tone. For example:

2. ‘One’ + measure word

The tone change of “’one’ + measure word” is idiosyncratic. “One” before a measure word is always pronounced [i-52], and it is unclear what its isolation tone is. The measure word after the “one” H register tones are pronounced [52] (the same as ③H contour), L register tones (except for ①L) are pronounced [341] (the same as ③L contour), and ①L [11] usually doesn’t change, though sometimes it also changes to [52] or [341]. For example:

лаптоп

4.5.3 Double measure word

[Two measure words together (usually meaning every item) can be different too. In Tangxi, the first one changes like the measure word in the “one”+measure word construction, and the second changes to a neutral tone, like 张张 tɕio24-52tɕio24-0, and 个个 kɑ52kɑ52-0.]

4.5.4 Adjective-measure form

[Adjective + measure word are different too. In Tangxi, the tone on the adjective changes like in normal disyllabic sandhi, and the measure word changes like the measure word in the “one” + measure word pattern, except the [52] tones can alternately be pronounced [535].]

4.5.5 Double verb, verb-pronoun, verb-directional, verb-measure, particle, and locative forms

[These other constructions can have different tone change. In Tangxi, they depend mostly on the tone of the first syllable, and frequently involve neutralization of the second syllable.]

4.5.6 X character form

[When referring to a character, in Tangxi, the character pronunciation typically retains its isolation tone, and 'character' (字 zɿ341) take a neutral tone.]

4.5.7 Verb-resultative, subject-predicate, and compound adjective forms

[With few exceptions, these word groups don't change in Tangxi.]

[Below is the OCR of the original, not cleaned up as much as usual. Hopefully it's still helpful for finding what kind of information is there.]

第五节语法变调

语法变调跟特定的语法结构相联系，一般出现于结构比较松散的词组里面。

语法变调的表现比较微妙，只有进行深入细致的调查才能找出它的规律。

在做一般性方言调查的时候，很容易把语法变调当作语音变调现象，归入语音变调。

这实际上也是造成一些方言语音变调规律异常复杂的原因之一。
语法变调是南部吴语里普遍存在的一种变调现象。
据我们现在了解到的情况，在金华、汤溪、磐安、永康、武义、衙州、龙游、开化、常山、玉山、青田、庆元、温州、泰顺等地，都不同程度地存在着语法变调现象。
下面以汤溪方言为例，简要介绍南部吴语中的语法变调。

一述宾式

在南部吴语的不少方言里，述宾式的变调往往跟非述宾式有区别。
但这种区别究竟存在于哪些连调组合（字组）里，各方言并不一致。
在汤溪方言里，述宾式变调自成规律的字组限于后字为阴平的字组。
两字组述宾式的变调规律是：前字阴平[24]、阳平[11]、阴去[52]一律变[33]，阳去[341]、阳上[113]、阳入[113]一律变[11]，阴上[535]、阴入[55]一律变[52]，跟两字组前字的主流变调相同；后字一律不变。

例如：

述宾式非述宾式

阴平＋阴平开封启封khF24-33fa0 4开封地名khe24fa024-0
阳平＋阴平爬山b-po“一，3SO‘南风nsl‘一，13faO24-0
阴上＋阴平起风tf.hi53，一，2fao 4比方pi 53，一，2fao2‘一，，
阳上＋阴平有心iaul113-11 sei24下风U0113-11 fa024-52
阴去＋阴平放心fa052-33sei24背心PE52-33Sei24-52
阳去＋阴平念经r),ie34‘一“toiei24大溪dy34‘一‘1toie24-52
阴入＋阴平杀鸡。055-52tQie24北京pe55tgiei24-0
阳入＋阴平读书da113-11CA24石灰za113XUe24-0 1宅村地名dza113一11tSIY 4-52

需要说明的是，汤溪方言述宾式与非述宾式的区别并不是十分严格的，一些非述宾式的字组也按述宾式的规律变调。
例如：杭州U0213-33tQlaLU24｝火车XUX535-53tsha24 o

二数量式

1．非“一”＋量词
当数词不是“一”的时候，汤溪方言两字组数量式的变调规律为：
(1）上声数词＋阴调量词：前字阴上［535］变［52]，阳上［113」变[it]，后字都变［52]；
(2）其他情况前字不变，后字变轻声。
例如：
阴平＋量词三张s024t,io 4-”三袋5024 d产1-0
阳平＋量词（缺例）
阴上＋量词九本toiau1535-52mai535-52几尺ke535-52tvhiE55-52
九年t9iaul535r}iel‘一。几袋ke535 de 341-0
阳上＋量词两张iia113-llt9i024-52五块9113-”k hUE52
两桶iia113da0113-0五日X113 r}ieil 13-0
阴去＋量词四块si52 khUS52-0半日m852Ibiei113-0
阳去＋量词廿个rbie341 ka52-0二两}341 1y113-0
阴入＋量词七支tShe155tS,i24-0八层讨5zaill-0
阳入＋量词六张13113tQio24-0十桶；ic113dao113-02.“一”十量词
“一十量词”的变调自成规律。
“一”在量词前面一律读【i -52］，单字调不明。
“一”后面的量词，阴调类均读作【52]（同阴去调值），阳调类除阳平以外均读作【341]（同阳去调值），阳平〔11]一般不变，有时也变作［52］或［341]。
例如：
一＋阴平量词一张i-52tQio24-52一双i-520iao24-52一＋阳平量词一层i-52zai“一篮i-521011
一头i-52d-tatul1-52一月1 -52boll -341一＋阴上量词一本i -52 rilai535-52一碗i-52U 535-52一＋阳上量词一领i -52 lei’ 13-34‘一桶1-52dQo113-341一＋阴去量词一个i-52 kQ52一套i -52th驴2
一＋阳去量词一段i -52 dai34‘一份i -52 V ai341
一＋阴入量词一节i-52tSia55-52一桌1-52to1055-52一＋阳入量词一日i -5217,1eil 13-34‘一盒i -52 y113-341

三，盛式

量叠式是指量词重叠结构，例如：
个个：渠三个儿一口tha55吓农本事他三个儿子每一个都很能干。
本本：口9矛13些书一口th355吓农好望这些书每一本都很好看。
汤溪方言量叠式的前字变调规律为：阴调类均变作【52](同阴去调值），阳调类除阳平以外均变作【341]（同阳去调值），阳平【11」不变—跟上文“一十量词”里的量词的变调规律基本相同；后字都变作轻声。
例如：
阴平支支ts124-52ts124-0张张tQio24-52t,10 4-0
阳平阴上阳上阴去阳去阴入阳入
排排ball ball-0
朵朵t}535一，2ty535一。领领lei’ 13-341lei’13-0个个ka52ka52一。
样样i0141 i0341-0
尺尺to hie55-52t沪155-0盒盒￥113-34‘二“3-0
层层zaill zail l-0
本本mai535-52mai535-0桶桶dao113-341dao113-0对对t,52te52-0
袋袋de 341 de 34‘一。
节节tSia55-52tSia51-0
勺勺；ioI”一，417,iO113-0

四 形里式

形量式是指“形容词＋量词”的结构。
汤溪方言有些形容词可以直接加在量词前面，例如“大张一个纸”。
两字组形量式的变调规律为：
前字（形容词）阴平［24]、阴去〔52〕变f33]，阴上〔535]、阴入〔55」变〔52],阳平［11〕不变，阳上【113]、阳去［341]、阳入［113］变［11]—跟两字组语音变调中前字的变调规律大致相同；
后字阴调类均变作【52]（同阴去调值）一【535]（同阴上调值）又读，阳调类除阳平以外均变作【341]（同阳去调值），阳平〔11]不变—跟上文“一十量词”的量词、量叠式里的前字的变调规律大致相同。

例如（举例中的“个”是“的”的意思）：
大堆一个沙dx34，一‘1tC24-52一dy34，一‘1tS24-535
大朵一个花dy34‘一‘1ty535-52一dy34，一’1 t X535
重担一个柴d7,iCl 0113-11 n052一d};iao113-11 n52-535长节一个甘蔗d7,iolltsia55-52一郎iolltsia55-535
成箩一个谷7,iailllall
大领一个席dx3“一‘Ilei113-341粗段一个树tshu24-33dai341
大勺一个水dy34，一，17,10113-341

有些“形容词十名词”结构虽然跟形量式同形，但形名结构的变调属于一般的语音变调，跟形量式的语法变调不同。
例如：大堆一个－d护4‘一“t扩4｝重担一副一d7,iao113一‘1 n052｝大勺一个一dy34‘一“7,iO113 0

五 动叠式，动代式，动趋式，动里式，X助式，方位式

动叠式是指动词重叠结构，如“讲讲”。
动代式是指“动词十代词”的结构，如“骂我”。
动趋式是指“动词十趋向动词”的结构，如“走来”。
动量式是指“动词十量词”的结构，如“买包一香烟”。

X助式是指“动词、名词、形容词或代词十助词（包括词尾、句末疑问词）”的结构，如“想着”、“去未？”
方位式是指“名词或代词十方位词”的结构，如“路上”、“日里”。
这些格式的两字组变调规律是：前字是平声、去声、阴入的，前字不变，后字变轻声；前字是上声、阳入的，阴上变〔52]，阳上、阳入变[11],后字都变〔52]。即：
前字后字连调模式
阴平〔24]、阳平［11]、阴去［52]、阳去【341]、阴入［55] X本调＋轻声阴上〔5351 X [52 + 521
阳上［113]、阳入［1131 X [11+52]
例如：
动叠式动代式动趋式
前字阴平烘烘.0024X,024-0敲打我k-h,24,1”一“收来g1a112 4IE11-O前字阳平爬爬b,11 b011-0烦渠他VOll 9w11-“逃去dal l llhaw52-0
前字阴上讲讲kil0535-52kUO535-52请尔tshei535-52沪3-52解开kQ535-520,24-52前字阳上坐坐。113-11Z_SY113-52买尔Ma113-11113-52上来ZiO113-11iel‘一，2前字阴去种种WO耐2tyiO052。向渠他giO52 gw11-。进来tsei521E11-0
前字阳去间问。341mai341-0骂我M,341a113｛撞去dZiaO341khaW52-0前字阴入吃吃tg”iei55tg’iei55-“接我tSie55a113-“接来tSie551El1-o
前字阳入嚼嚼ZY113-11 Z_SY113-52罚渠他V0113-11 9-kuill-52学去U0113-l l k ,0352

动量式X助式方位式

前字阴平开张一票1s?’o1teio24“开口开着0E24da113-“缸里kllo 41ill3-o前字阳平裁块一布二Ilkhu#52-o渠道他们sail Itao田里die’ 1li113-0
前字阴上写封一信sias35-52foo 4-52想着SY535-52 d$-tpi0113-52姊口姐姐那里tsi535-52d-ta113-52前字阳上买管一锁二，13-llk00535-52我道我们0113-Ilta-52哪里哪个里头iall3-Ilii113-52前字阴去唱个一歌儿t$h1052k052-“去未去没去khaW52Mi341-“世上。i,52耐41-0
前字阳去换样一东西u 341i0341-“卖弗卖不卖M0341fE55-“路上1ll341称 0341-0前字阴人吃碗一饭teiei55U0535-“雪般一白sie55MYo北面夕5Mie34l-o
前字阳人择双一鞋dza113-11 x,024-52熟未熟没熟称0113-11Mi341-52席上Zeil13-117._910341-52
一些地名的变调不符合一般的语音变调规律，而跟方位式相同，例如：枫坞fa024 u535-0 I陈村d7,iai11 tSh Y24-0 I戴家ts52kUO 4-0。
在另一方面，一些表示处所、时间的词语的变调往往不同于方位式，无明显规律可寻，例如：外面0134‘一，1 mie341｝里头1i113-11 daw“一’13｝头前前面d-tatu11-33 ziel’一’13｝前年z-sie11-331}iel‘一川｝后日后天。w113 aiei113-0 0

六 X字式

X字式是指“山字”（“山”这个字）、“马字”（“马”这个字）之类的结构。
在“X字”式里，前字“X”是被强调的部分，所以一律不变调，后字“字”一律变轻声。例如：
“山”字S024 21341-01“鞋”字Q1121341-0 1“写”字sia535 21341-0 1“马”字m011321341-0！“菜”字tshe52 21341-0 1“大”字dy341 21341-0 1“八”字po552134‘一。］“十”字；1E113Z1341-0
有的字组表面上虽然也是“X’，加“字”，但结构不同，变调采用语音变调，不采用语法变调。
例如：写字动宾Sia535-52 21341｝大字大楷dy34’一“3 21341-0 I八字生辰一po55-52 21341 1＋字路口；ie113-11 2134‘一’‘lu341一ilk h W 535 0

七 动结式，主谓式，偏正式形容词

动结式是指“动词十结果补语（形容词、动词）”的结构，如“分清”。
主谓式，如“心狂”。
偏正式形容词是指“动词或名词十形容词”的结构，如“飞快”。
这些格式的两字组除了个别结合得很紧的如“分开”、“关住”、“天蓝”、“草绿”等按语音变调规律变以外，都不变调。
例如：
动结式主谓式偏正式形容词分清fai24tshei24筋抽比喻不安分toiei24tphiaU,24飞快fi24砂ua52
逃走dal1tsau1535心狂比喻决心大sei24 gao“壁竖很陡pei55};ili3讲明kuo535 mei“鬼迷比喻倒霉kus535 mi“雪白sie55 ba113
缚牢bou31al‘手痒比喻手不安分,iau1535 io113蜜甜mei113die11
除了以上格式以外，汤溪方言里部分动词、代词、副词、介词、连词以及三字组的“XX农”式（如“外国农”、“讨饭农”）也有各自特殊的变调。
其中部分动词、代词、副词、介词、连词的变调既不同于语音变调，又难以归纳出成系统的规律。
限于篇幅，这里就不再一一细说了。
由上可见，在南部吴语中，语法结构与声调之间已经构成了非常广泛而密切的联系。
这种联系不仅表现在语法变调的普遍性上，更重要的是，在南部吴语中，已经开始出现“声调语法化”的现象，“量词去声化”就是其中的一个例子。
磐安方言的量词位于数词“一”后面时，阴平〔445]、阳平i$,-f[213]不变，其他字凡来自古清声母的读「52]（同阴去调值），来自古浊声母的读【14]（同阳去调值），例如：张一纸tfb445i！层一楼zgn213｛朵一花tuy434-52）点一钟tie 434-521个一农：一个人ka52｝帖一药thia434-52I角一一钞票kua434-52｝两一重1iA434-14 1倍一bei-141样一东西iD14 1粒一豆1#213-141轴一画海1AO213-140

汤溪方言的情况已如上述，即在数词“一”后面，阴调类量词均读作[52]（同阴去调值），阳调类量词除阳平以外均读作「341]（同阳去调值），阳平【11]一般不变，有时也变作【52」或〔341]。
在量叠式（量词重叠）里面，前一个量词的变调跟上述规律完全相同，后一个量词都变作轻声。
在形量式（形容词＋量词）里面，量词的变调规律基本上也跟在数词“一”后面时一样。
因此，在汤溪方言里，去声的读法一定程度上成了量词的标记。
例如，“领”单字音读【lei’ 13，用作量词时，声调变作[341]（在量叠式里作后字时读轻声），用作非量词时，按照其他变调规律变，二者不会混淆：
量词
一领i-52 lei’ 13-34‘买来一席
领领lei’ 13-341 lei’ 13-0席一破个（席子每一领都是破的）大领(1X34‘一“lei’ 13-34‘一个席（大的席子）
非量词
一领1-52 lei’ 13一便无罢（指东西很少，一开始领就没了）领领lei’ 13- “lei’ 13-52尔去一来（你去把它领了来）
大领dy34，一’1lei113件一个衣裳（那件领子大的衣服）

In the next week and half:
- I need to write up my methodology section
- That will require some more figuring out how my analysis will go
- I should keep working on the labeling, but only as a break from writing

Here is a nice little bit of results

MDS plot of sandhi contours for old (blue) and young (red) speakers

In the next week or two:
• I need to recruit a research assistant.
• I need to write most of a lit review.

In the last four weeks:
• I segmented a bunch of the files, though maybe only half of what I will need.
• I labeled most of one recording. It takes a long time.
• I met with my advisor about issues with my recordings. I was embarrassed how bad the recording quality is, but she said the sound quality issues aren’t that bad, to be expected in field recordings.
• I transcribed the stimuli, including some of the observed variability.
• I translated one more section of the Southern Wuyu book.
• I found one more dialect survey that includes sandhi data for Jinhua. It doesn’t look like either of the ones I already knew about.

In the next couple weeks:
• I need to finish labeling the one recording, and at least one rep per stimulus for one or two other people.
• Produce contour plots from that preliminary data, to get a feel for where this project might go.
• Keep translating.

I have never heard this song played in Jinhua, but online this song is semi-internet-famous. It’s a rap song about Jinhua sung in Jinhua dialect. It features 老二 (the second son) from the TV show 二十分可乐, being his usual self. The subtitles are a mixture of Jinhua dialect and Standard Mandarin, but in some places I’m not sure what word they’re actually using, so I can’t really fix it. I’m also not sure what they mean at a few points, but here’s my best shot.

十月 (October)
by 阿楼

一 有关变调的一些基本概念
4.1 Some basic concepts related to tone change

1．三种变调
1. Three kinds of tone change
汉语的变调现象从性质上可以分为下面三类：
Chinese tone change phenomena can be divided into the following three kinds based on their characteristics:
(1) 语音变调，即一般所谓的连读变调，是因音节之间的语音关系而产生的变调，如北京话”上声+上声”时前字的变调。
(1) Phonological tone change, the commonly mentioned tone sandhi, is tone change produced by the phonological interaction among syllables, like Beijing dialect’s first syllable tone change in “tone II + tone II” contexts [i.e. third tone sandhi].
(2）语法变调，这是由特定的语法结构关系而产生的变调，如吴语一些方言述宾结构的字组往往具有特殊的变调模式。
(2) Grammatical tone change, which is tone change produced by particular grammatical structures, such as the verb-object structure which frequently has a special tone change pattern in some Wuyu dialects
(3) 语义变调，这是指利用声调的变化来达到特定的语义目的，如南部吴语里普遍存在的”小称变调”，这种变调有时也出现在单音节词里，但从来源上讲也是多音节字组变调进一步发展的结果。
Semantic tone change, which uses tone change to achieve a particular semantic goal, such as the diminutive tone change that is widespread in Southern Wuyu. This kind of tone change sometimes also appears in single-syllable words, but originally is never the result of a multisyllable phrase’s tone change going one step further ????
此外，汉语中所谓的”破读”现象或”声调内部曲折”现象，实质上也可以看作是一种语义变调，只不过这种变调多发生在单音节词之内。
Besides these, the Chinese so-called “broken pronunciation” phenomena or “tone-internal winding” phenomena essentially can also be seen as a kind of semantic tone change, but this kind of tone change usually happens within single-syllable words.
2．其他
2. Others
(1) 变调类型
(1) Tone change types
包括”前变型”和”后变型”。
Including “first-syllable change” and “last-syllable change”
(2）前变型
(2) First-syllable change
前字变，后字不变。
The first syllable changes, and the last syllable doesn’t change.
(3）后变型
(3) Last-syllable change type
后字变，前字不变。
The last syllable changes, and the first syllable doesn’t change.
(4）调类合流
(4) Tone merging
所谓”调类合流”，这里是指不同的单字调在连调中变为相同的调值，这种合流既发生在前字，在有些方言里也发生在后字。
Called “tone merger”, this refers to different citation tones changing into the same tone contour. When this kind of merger has occurred on one syllable, it will also occur on the next syllable in some dialects.
轻声实际上也是一种调类合流，即在轻声中调类的对立消失了。
Neutral tone is in fact also a kind of tone spreading, as with neutral tone, the tone category’s distinctions are lost.
（5）调类复原
(5) Tone recovery
所谓”调类复原”，这里是指在单字调里己经合并成一类了的几个古调类，在连调中仍旧存在某种区别，也就是说具有复现原调类的特性。
Called “tone recovery”, this refers to when a tone has merged with another tone type in citation contexts, but in sandhi contexts it retains some difference, which is to say, it possesses a reappearance of features of the original tone category.
例如汤溪方言单字调浊入归阳上，但在连读调中浊入字和浊上字有时要分开变。
For example, Tangxi dialect citation tone voiced IV is merged with IIB, but in sandhi contexts, voiced IV and voiced II are sometimes changed differently
调类复原现象只出现在发生过单字调调类合并的方言里。
Tone type reappearance only appears in dialects where citation tone types have undergone mergers.
(6)主流变调
(6) Mainstream tone change
一个调类在所有调类之前（作前字时）或之后（作后字时），采取同一种变调调值或基本上采取同一种变调调值，这种变调调值叫做”主流变调”。
If a tone category takes the same tone contour or generally the same contour before any tone (when it is the first syllable) or after any tone (when it is the last syllable), this is called “mainstream tone change”.

二 语音变调的基本情况
4.2 The basic situation of phonological tone change
南部吴语的变调现象总的来说非常复杂，本节先讨论语音变调。
The tone change phenomena of Southern Wu are generally speaking extremely complex, and this section first discusses phonological tone change.
南部吴语11个方言点两字组语音变调的基本情况见表4-3。
The basic situation of disyllabic phonological tone change of 11 dialect locations of Southern Wu can be seen in Table 4-3.
其中，前四栏里的”＋”表示变调现象的复杂程度（以”＋＋十”为最复杂），或前、后字变调以及轻声现象的多少（以”十＋＋”为最多）；”一”表示”无”或”极少”。
There, the “+” in the first four columns express the complexity level of the tone change phenomena (where “+++” is the most complex), and the abundance of first tone change, last tone change, and neutral tone phenomena (where “+++” is the most abundant). “-” represents “none” or extremely little.
“调类复原”栏里的”＋”表示有调类复原现象，”一”表示无调类复原现象。
The “+” in the “Tone category recovery” column means that it has tone recovery phenomena, and “-” indicates that there are no tone recovery phenomena.

1．复杂程度
1. Complexity level

这里所谓的”复杂程度”，是指一个方言里语音变调现象的多寡，而不是指变调之后声调格局（连调系统）的复杂或简单的程度，因为从南部吴语的情况来看，变调现象的多寡与变调系统的复杂或简单既不构成正比，也不构成反比。
What is here called complexity refers to the number of phonological tone changes in the dialect, and does not refer to the complexity level of the sandhi output patterns, since considering the circumstances of Southern Wu, the number and complexity of tone change phenomena are neither directly nor inversely proportional.
从语音变调现象多寡的角度来看，南部吴语一般都表现得非常复杂。
From the perspective of phonological tone change phenomena, Southern Wu generally displays extraordinary complexity.
尤其是在金华、衢州、上饶等地区，不仅大多数连调组合（字组） 都要发生变调，而且有时候同一种连调组合会具有多种连调模式。
Especially in the regions of Jinhua, Quzhou, Shangrao, etc, not only do the majority of tone groups undergo tone change, but also sometimes a single kind of tone group can have multiple sandhi patterns.
例如金华”阴去+阳去”、”阳去+阳平”各具有三种连调模式，下面是”阴去+阳平”的例子：
For example, Jinhua “IIIA + IB” and “IIIB + IB” each have three kinds of sandhi patterns. Below are examples of “IIIA + IB”:
[55+313] => [33＋14]
布鞋 pu^55-33a^313-14
臭虫 tɕiu^55-33dʑioŋ^313-14
[33 + 55］
素油 su^55-33 iu^313-55
细毛(过于细致) (delicate) sie^55-33 mɑu^313-55
[55+0]
铁门 t^hia⁵⁵ məŋ^13-0
雪球 sie⁵⁵ dʑiu^313-0

这种”同字组不同变调”的现象，最初也许是由不同的原因导致产生的，例如金华”阴去＋阳平”字组中，前字如果是来自清入的字时变调就自成一类（[55+0])。
This kind of “same group, different change” phenomena where perhaps at the beginning created by different causes. such as among the Jinhua “IIIA + IB” words, when the first syllable came from voiceless IV, the sandhi tones are one kind ([55+0]).
但在大多数情况下，今天很难找出几种不同的连调模式之间的区别规律来。
But in the majority of cases, it is now very difficult to determine what the rule is that distinguishes among different sandhi patterns.
这使得南部吴语的语音变调在一定程度上呈现为一种”无理”的状态，给我们的研究提出了很大的挑战。
This makes Southern Wu’s phonological tone change appear, to a certain degree, like a kind of senseless situation, and raise a big challenge for our research.
在南部吴语的南端如庆元、浦城等地，语音变调现象相对来说比较简单。
In the southernmost part of Southern Wu, like Qingyuan and Pucheng, phonological tone change phenomena are in contrast fairly simple.
庆元只有阴平、阳去作前字时发生变调，浦城只有阴平、阳平作前字时发生少量的变调。
Qingyuan only has tone change when the initial syllable is IA or IIIB. Pucheng only has a little tone change when the initial syllable is IA or IB.
2．变调类型
2. Kinds of tone change
从变调类型来看，南部吴语的语音变调以”前变型”为主，在位于较南部的云和、庆元、浦城、泰顺等地，后字一律不变调。
As far as types of tone change, Southern Wu’s phonological tone change consists primarily of “initial syllable change”, and in places in the south like Yunhe, Qingyuan, Pucheng, and Taishun, the final syllable generally doesn’t change.
3．调类合流
Tone category merging
虽然南部吴语的语音变调现象相当繁杂，但在另一方面，连调中的调类合流现象也十分突出。
Though Southern Wu phonological tone change phenomena are fairly diverse, in another respect sandhi tone merger phenomena are also very prominent.
例如，武义方言有8个单字调，64种两字连调组合（两字组），而连调模式只有27种（傅国通1984:113)，差不多相当于5个单字调的连调组合（5X5=25)。
For example, Wuyi dialect has 8 citation tones, and thus 64 types of disyllable sandhi groups, yet there are only 27 kinds (Fu Guotong 1984:113) of sandhi patterns, approximately equal to the sandhi groups of 5 citation tones (5 x 5 = 25).
原因是连调中不同调类的前字发生大量合流现象，例如阴上[53]、阳上[13]、阳去[31]作前字时都变作[11]调，阴入[?51]、阳入［?212］作前字时都变作[?55]调。
The reason is that in sandhi, the different tone types in the initial syllable mostly undergo merger. For example IIA [53], IIB [13] and IIIB [31] as initial syllable all change to [11] tone, and IVA [?51] and IVB [?212] as initial syllable both change to [?55] tone.
又如，汤溪方言有7个单字调（浊入归阳上），因浊上字和浊入字在连调中表现不同（调类复原），分开计算，共有64种两字连调组合（两字组），而连调模式只有20种，只相当于4.5个单字调的连调组合（4.5 x 4.5=20.25)，详见下文。
Or again, Tangxi dialect has 7 citation tones (voiced IV merged with IIB), and because voiced tone II syllables and voiced tone IV syllables in sandhi act differently (tone type recovery), including this separation there are 64 kinds of disyllable sandhi groups, yet there are only 20 sandhi patterns, equivalent to the sandhi groups of just 4.5 citation tones (4.5 x 4.5 = 20.25). See the next section for details.
4．调类复原
4. Tone type recovery
从南部吴语的情况来看，凡是在单字调里合并了的几个古调类，在连调中往往不同程度地存在区别，也就是说具有调类复原的现象。
Looking at the situation in Southern Wu, all ancient tone categories that merged in isolated syllables often to varying degrees maintain a distinction in sandhi. That is to say, they display tone type recovery phenomena.
例如永康方言，单字调清入归阴上都读[35]调，浊入归阳上都读[13]调；连调中作前字时，来自古上声的阴上、阳上一律变作[11]，来自古清入的阴上一律变作[33]，来自古浊入的阳上一律变作[22]。
For example in Yongkang dialect, voiceless IV merged with IIA in citation form, pronounced [35], and voiced IV merged with IIB, pronounced [13]. But when the initial syllable in sandhi, the IIA and IIB syllables that came from ancient tone II all change to [11], while IIA from ancient IVA changes to [33] and IIB from ancient IVB changes to [22].
在连调中，尽管在单字调里不同的清上字和浊上字已经丧失了区别，在单字调里相同的古入声字跟古上声字之间反而还存在区别（袁家哗等1983:84)。
In sandhi, whether or not voiceless and voiced tone II have already lost their distinction in citation form, the ancient tone IV and ancient tone II that are identical in citation form still maintain their difference (Yuan Jiahua et al. 1983:84).
磐安、金华、汤溪等地也有类似现象，汤溪方言的情况可参看下文。
Locations Pan’an, Jinhua, Tangxi etc. also have similar phenomena, and the situation of Tangxi dialect can be viewed in the next section.
5. 三字组的变调
5. Tone change of trisyllabic groups
南部吴语三字组的语音变调一般都采取以下模式：
Southern Wu phonological tone change of trisyllabic groups generally adopts the following patterns.
即第一、二两个音节构成一个两字组，第一个音节按两字组的前字变；第二、三两个音节构成一个两字组，第二个音节按两字组的前字变，第三个音节按两字组的后字变。
The first and second syllables constitute a disyllable group, and the first syllable changes according to the initial syllable of the disyllable group. The second and third syllables also constitute a disyllable group, and the second syllable changes as the initial syllable, and the third syllable changes as the disyllable final syllable.
与两字组的变调规律略有不同的是，在两字组变调中，同一调类的前字在不同的调类前有时有不同的变调，甚至在同一个调类前也会有不同的变调；但在三字组变调中，第一个音节往往不管第二个音节是什么调类，一律采取同一种变调，这种变调一般是该调类在两字组的前字位置时最为常见的那种变调调值（即”主流变调”）。
What the tone change rules of disyllabic groups differ on is that among disyllabic tone changes, a single category of initial syllable has a different tone change when in front of different categories, or even in front of a single category there can be different tone changes. But among the tone changes of trisyllabic groups, the first syllable usually doesn’t care what category the second syllable is, and always adopts the same change. That change is generally the tone contour form most often seen in the initial syllable of disyllabic tone change (i.e. mainstream tone change).
因此，三字组的这种连调模式也可以看作是”1+(2+3)”的模式。
For this reason, trisyllabic sandhi patterns can also be viewed as “1+(2+3)” patterns.
例如，武义方言三字组中第一个音节的变调规律：阴平[24]、阳平[213]、阴去［53］一律变[55]，阴上[55]、阳上[13]、阳去［31］一律变[11]，阴入［?51]、阳入［?212］一律变[?55]（傅国通1984:116)。
For example, in Wuyi dialect the first syllable in trisyllabic groups has this tone change rule: IA [24], IB [213], and IIIA [53] always change to [55], IIA [55], IIB [13], and IIIB [31] always change to [11], and IVA [?51] and IVB [?212] always change to [?55] (Fu Guotong 1984: 116).
又如，金华方言三字组中第一个音节的变调规律：阴平[334]、阳平[313]、阴去[55]一律变[33]，阴上[535]、阳去［14］一律变[55]（阳去在阴去、阳去前有时变[33])，阴入[?4]不变，阳入[?212]一律变[?21]。
Or again, in Jinhua dialect the first sylalble in trisyllabic groups has this tone change rule: IA [334], IB [313], and IIIA [55] all change to [33], IIA [535] and IIIB [14] change to [55] (IIIB does sometimes change to [33] before IIIA and IIIB), IVA [?4] doesn’t change and IVB [?212] all changes to [?21].
汤溪方言的情况可参看下文。
For the situation of Tangxi dialect, see the following section.

三 汤溪方言的语音变调
4.3 Phonological tone change of Tangxi dialect
1．两字组的语音变调
1. Disyllabic phonological tone change
表4-4的表左是前字调类，表端是后字调类，表中是连读调和例词。
The left column of Table 4-4 is the tone category of the initial syllable, and the final syllable tone categories are across the top, with the middle of the table showing sandhi tones and example words.
由表4-4可以看出，汤溪方言的两字组语音变调以前字变调为主，后字也有一些变调，其中以轻声居多。
As can be seen in Table 4-4, Tangxi dialect disyllabic phonological tone change primarily involves change on the initial syllable, and there are also some changes on the final syllable, the majority of which are neutral tone.
在65种两字组（”阳入＋阴平”变调时分两类，这里按两种计）中，有41种只变前字不变后字，有8种只变后字不变前字，有16种前后字都变。
Among the 65 types of disyllable groups (”IVB + IVA” are divided into two kinds, and are counted as two here), there are 41 types that only change the initial syllable and not the final one, 8 types that only change the final syllable and not the initial one, and 16 types that change both syllables.
从前字来看，前字变调大致上可以分成三大类，表中用双线隔开，即阴平、阳平、阴去作前字时多变作[33]调，阳去、阳上、阳入作前字时多变作[11]调，阴上、阴入作前字时多变作[52]，但在平声、去声前面时往往有例外。
Looking at the initial syllables, initial syllable tone change can essentially be divided into to three broad types. In the table a double line is used to dive these types: IA, IB, and IIIA as initial mostly change to [33]; IIIB, IIB, and IVB as initial syllable mostly change to [11]; and IIA and IVA as initial syllable mostly change to [52], but when in front of tone types I and III, there are many exceptions.
从后字来看，可以分成变调和不变调两类，表中用粗线隔开，粗线以上、以左的后字变调，粗线以下、以右的后字不变调。
Looking at the final syllables, they can be divided into two categories of those that change and those that don’t. In the table a thick line divides them. Above and to the left of the line, the final syllable changes, and below and to the right, the final syllable doesn’t change.
后字变调最主要地出现在平声作后字时，其次出现在去声作后字时，阳入位于阴平、阳平、阴去后面时也发生变调。
Final syllable tone change primarily appears on tone I when it is the final syllable, and secondarily appears on tone III as final syllable. It also occurs on IVB when after IA, IB and IIIA.
65种两字连调组合经变调后归并为20种连调模式。
The 65 kinds of disyllable sandhi groups merge to become 20 sandhi patterns after tone change.
阳上和阳入在单字调里完全相同，在两字组连调中，大多数情况下也已经没有区别了，但在阴平、阳平的前面，在阴平、阳平、阴去的后面仍旧存在区别（调类复原）。
IB and IVB in isolation are completely identical, and in disyllabic sandhi, the majority of contexts also don’t have any distinction any more, but before IA and IB, and after IA, IB and IIIA, the distinction is still maintained (tone category recovery).
例如：红瓦(红色的瓦) ao11-33 uo 113 /= 红镬(炒菜时不放油) ao11-33 uo 113-24。
For example, 红瓦 (`red tile’) ao11-33 uo 113 /= 红镬 (`frying without oil’ , lit. `red pot’) ao11-33 uo 113-24.

2．三字组的语音变调
2. Trisylllabic phonological tone change
汤溪方言三字组语音变调的规律为：第一个音节，阴平[24]、阳平[11]、阴去［52〕一律变［33]，阳去［341]、阳上〔113]、阳入［113］一律变[11]，阴上【535]、阴入【55」一律变〔52，跟两字组前字的主流变调相同；第二、三两个音节，基本上跟两字组的连调模式相同。例如：
Tangxi dialect trisyllabic phonological tone change rules are: On the first syllable, IA [24], IB [11] and IIIA [52] all change to [33], IIIB [341], IIB and IVB [113] all change to [11], and IIA [535] and IVA [55] all change to [52], the same as mainstream initial syllable tone change in disyllabic sandhi. For example:

汤溪方言三字组共有8x8x8=512 种连调组合，第一个音节的三种变调与后面两字组的20种连调模式相配，实际上只有60种三字组连调模式，差不多相当于4个单字调的连调组合(4x4x4=64)。
Tangxi dialect trisyllabic sandhi has 8x8x8=512 types of sandhi groups, but when the three kinds of first syllable sandhi tones are matched with the 20 kinds of disyllabic sandhi patterns, there are actually just 60 types of trisyllabic sandhi patterns, approximately equivalent to the sandhi groups of 4 citation tones (4x4x4=64).
3．四字组的语音变调
3. Four-syllable phonological tone change
汤溪方言四字组语音变调的规律为：第一个音节跟三字组首字的变调规律完全相同，后三个
音节跟三字组的连调模式完全相同。例如：
Tangxi dialect rules for phonological tone change of four-syllable groups is: the first syllable is exactly the same as the first syllable in a trisyllabic group, and the other three syllables are exactly the same as the trisyllabic sandhi patterns. For example: