In the past month:

• I recorded a couple more young people from the city, but was not able to record any more older people, as I had hoped. I also did not record the monosyllable list with anyone from the city, but I’m hoping I won’t need it.
• I went on vacation and moved back to SD.
• I started segmenting the recordings.

In the next couple weeks:

• I need to get the recordings all segmented into the individual sound files.
• I should translate the next section of 南部吴语.
• There are other things with the discourse and Harmonic Grammar projects that I’ve been thinking about, but I will refrain from making any goals there until I get over the boring part of this dialect project.

It has been an eventful month. The absence of buttkicking posts (or any other posts for that matter) has been the result of being pretty busy actually getting things done. There have been some distractions, but I’ve generally been quite productive.

In the past 6 (!) weeks:

• I finalized a stimulus list. I know there are some remaining problems, including some items that are miscategorized because one syllable or the other has shifted tone category. I also have a monosyllable list that will allow me to identify most of these miscategorizations, as well as get monosyllable tone contours. Because the disyllable list is already so long, I am only collecting the monosyllable list from one person in each of the major locations.
• I’ve recorded over 20 people from the area, including half a dozen from the urban area, and 5 from one village nearby. The other people are students from villages scattered throughout the two county-like zones around Jinhua, and from Lanxi.
• It’s been harder than expected to find people from the same village, since this generation has moved around so much, and even the older generations often moved from somewhere else. And then older women rarely attended school long enough to attain a high level of literacy, and younger speakers, especially in the city, speak Wuyu rather little, and so have limited vocabulary and low fluency. But my friends here have been very helpful finding people who have that combination of literacy and fluency.

In this coming week, my last week in Jinhua:

• I need to record a couple more people from the city.
• I need to record the monosyllable list with someone from the city.
• I will otherwise be busy with logistics of moving back to San Diego.

第三节 入声
Section 3: Tone IV

一 入声演变的基本情况
3.1 The basic situation of tone IV evolution

在衢州地区、上饶地区、丽水地区（缙云龙泉除外）、金华地区的兰溪和温州地区的泰顺，入声仍读短促调，带喉塞尾，并按古声母的清浊分阴阳两类，其中阴入调一般为高短调，阳入调一般为短促的低升调或低降升调。
In Quzhou Region, Shangrao Region, Lishui Region (except for Jinyun and Longquan), Jinhua Region’s Lanxi and Wenzhou Region’s Taishun, tone IV remains a short tone with a glottal stop coda, even following the ancient onset voicing distinction into registers, among which the voiceless A register is usually a high short tone and the voiced register B is usually a low short rising or rising-falling tone.
在其余地区，即金华地区（兰溪除外）、温州地区（泰顺除外）以及缙云、龙泉、浦城，共19个点（占全部37个县市的一半），古入声已经发生了变化。
In other regions, namely Jinhua Region (except for Lanxi), Wenzhou Region (except for Taishun), plus Jinyun, Longquan, and Pucheng, a total of 19 locations (half of the 37 locations), ancient tone IV has undergone some change.
具体情况见表4-2。
For the specific situation see Table 4-2.

温州地区的乐清、洞头跟温州相同，瑞安、平阳跟永嘉相同，苍南跟文成相同。
Wenzhou Region’s Yueqing and Dongtou are the same as Wenzhou, Rui’an and Pingyang are the same as Yongjia, and Cangnan is the same as Wencheng.
温州永强据郑张尚芳先生告知。
Wenzhou’s Yongqiang is according to Zhengzhang Shangfang’s records.
由表4-2可见，南部吴语古入声的演变有以下几种类型：
As seen in Table 4-2, the evolution of ancient tone IV has the following varieties in Southern Wuyu.
1．入声长调化：金华地区（兰溪除外），温州地区（泰顺除外），缙云，龙泉，浦城。
1. Tone IV tone lengthening: Jinhua Region (except Lanxi), Wenzhou Region (except Taishun), Jinyun, Longquan, Pucheng.
“长调化”这里指入声失去短促的特征，读作像舒声调一样的长调，但未跟其他舒声调合并。
“Tone lengthening” here refers to tone IV losing it’s distinctive shortness, and being pronounced like the long contours of non-checked tones, but not merging with other non-checked tones.
温州等地是阴入、阳入全部读为长调。
In Wenzhou and other places, both IVA and IVB are pronounced as long tones.
汤溪是阳入跟阳上合并，阴入读为长调。
In Tangxi, IVB merged with IIIB, and IVA is pronounced as a long tone.
也有些方言是部分字读为长调，部分字仍读短调，如金华小黄村部分清入字（”割桌接发雪”等）读长调［55］，部分浊入字（”薄夺叠袜月”等）读长调［113］。
There are also some dialects in which some syllables are pronounced as long tones, while others remain pronounced as short tones, such as some voiceless tone IV in Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village (like 割, 桌, 接, 发, 雪, etc) pronounced [55], and some voiced tone IV (薄, 夺, 叠, 袜, 月, etc.) pronounced [113].
2．入声不分阴阳：浦城。
Tone IV not distinguishing registers: Pucheng.
浦城的入声字不分阴阳，都读长调［32］，自成一个调类。
Pucheng’s tone IV is not split into registers, and is all pronounced [32], becoming one tone category.
从周围方言的入声都分阴阳两类的情况来看，浦城的入声调应当是阴入和阳入合并的结果。
Based on the tone IV of surrounding dialects, which are all split by registers into two categories, it appears that Pucheng’s tone IV should be considered the result of IVA and IVB merging.
但由于浦城古全浊声母已经清化［32］的调值也缺乏明显的阴调或阳调的特征，所以难以断定究竟是清入归阳入，还是浊入归阴入。
But due to Pucheng’s devoicing of ancient obstruent onsets, the [32] tone contour lacks obvious characteristics of either IVA or IVB, so it is difficult to reach a conclusion as to whether it is voiceless IV merged with IVB or voiced IV merged with IVA.
从总体上看，浦城入声的调值［32］跟周围方言的阳入调值更加接近一些，例如广丰阳入［23］，江山阳入［3］，遂昌阳入［23］，龙泉阳入［23］，庆元阳入［34］，离浦城稍远的青田阳入也是［32］。
Overall, it appears that Pucheng tone IV’s contour [32] is closer to the IVB of surrounding dialects, such as Guangfeng IVB [23], Jiangshan IVB [3], Suichang IVB [23], Longquan IVB [23], and Qingyuan IVB [34], and a little further from Pucheng, in Qingtian, is it also [32].
3．清入归阴平：义乌。
Voiceless tone IV merging with IA: Yiwu.
4．清入归阴上：磐安，永康。
Voiceless tone IV merging with IIA: Pan’an, Yongkang.
5．清入归阴去：金华（城里，咸山）。
Voiceless tone IV merging with IIIA: Jinhua (urban area and Xianshan).
6．浊入归阳平：义乌，磐安。
Voiced tone IV merging with IB: Yiwu, Pan’an.
7．浊入归阳上：汤溪，永康，武义（西南部王宅、白姆、俞源等地，以及城里部分字）。
Voiced tone IV merging with IIB: Tangxi, Yongkang, Wuyi (northwestern Wangzhai, Baimu, Yuyuan, etc, as well as some syllables in the urban area).
8．浊入归阳去：金华城里，咸山，温州永强。
Voiced tone IV merging with IIIB: Jinhua urban area, Xianshan, Wenzhou’s Yongqiang.
由上可见，在温州地区（泰顺除外）和金华小黄村、浦江、东阳、缙云、龙泉、浦城等地，入声的变化表现为短促特征的消失（长调化）。
As seen above, in Wenzhou Region (except Taishun) and Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village, Pujiang, Dongyang, Jinyun, Longquan, Pucheng, etc, tone IV’s changes show the fading away of the characteristic shortness (tone lengthening).
在金华地区的一些县市和温州永强则已出现入声调跟其他调类合并的现象，这种合并也以入声字喉塞尾的消失为前提。
In some parts of Jinhua Region and Wenzhou’s Yongqiang, the merger of tone IV with the other tones has already occurred. This kind of merger necessarily also involves the loss of tone IV syllables’ glottal stop coda.
此外，跟清入相比，浊入更容易并入舒声调，例如汤溪、武义、温州永强都是只有浊入字归入阳上或阳去调。
Besides this, compared to voiceless tone IV, voiced tone IV is even more easily merged with the non-checked tones. For example, Tangxi, Wuyi, and Wenzhou’s Yongqiang all only have voiced tone IV merged with IIB or IIIB.

二 入声演变的规则
3.2: Rules of tone IV evolution
入声字喉塞尾弱化、消失，调值拉长，并入其他舒声调类，是当代南部吴语语音演变的大趋势。
The weakening or loss of tone IV syllables’ stop coda, tone lengthening, and merger with the non-checked tone categories are all major trends of contemporary Southern Wuyu phonological evolution.
入声调失去短促特征以后，究竟归向何处呢？
After tone IV lost its distinctive shortness, what is the merger result?
决定它的归向的因素是什么呢？
What determines the direction of the merger?
在入声已经消失的官话方言里，入声的归向具有很强的系统性和普遍性。
In the Mandarin dialects that have already lost tone IV, the direction of merger has strong systematicity and universality.
例如，古全浊声母入声字归阳平的读法涵盖了除保留入声的江淮官话以外的所有官话区，古次浊声母入声字归去声的读法涵盖了冀鲁、兰银、北京、东北、胶辽等五个官话区，古清声母归阴平的读法也涵盖了中原官话和冀鲁官话。
For example, the merger of ancient voiced obstruent onset tone IV syllables into IB covers the whole Mandarin area except for Jiangsu and Anhui which preserve tone IV, and the merger of sonorant onset tone IV syllables into III covers the Mandarin areas of Hebei-Shandong, Lanyin, Beijing, the Northeast, Liaoning, etc., and the merger of voiceless onsets into IA covers the Mandarin areas of the central plains and Hebei-Shandong.
但如上所述，在南部吴语里，情况完全相反，入声的归向体现出强烈的”个别性”。
But as stated above, in Southern Wuyu, the situation is completely opposite. The direction of tone IV mergers reflects intense individuality.
南部吴语入声调的短促特征消失以后，有的保留了入声调类，有的在入声内部发生了合并（阴入跟阳入合），有的跟其他舒声调合并，而不同的方言往往有不同的合并方式，相互间看不出有什么联系。
After the loss of tone IV characteristic shortness in Southern Wu, some preserved the tone IV category, some underwent a merger within tone IV (IVA with IVB), and some underwent a merger with non-checked tones. And different dialects often have different merger patterns, with no apparent connection between them.
南部吴语入声的演变为什么会出现如此”杂乱无章”的局面呢？
How can the evolution of tone IV in Southern Wuyu appear so chaotic?
我们认为，这是因为南部吴语各地方言之间调值系统差别很大，而在南部吴语地区，又不存在一个对南部吴语各地方言有较大影响力和制约力的强势方言，所以，在入声演变的过程中，各地方言各自为政，各行其道。
We believe this is because the tone system differences among all the local dialects of Southern Wuyu are large, and in the region of Southern Wuyu, there is also no one powerful dialect that would act as a large influence or restraint. So in the process of tone IV evolution, every local dialect is independent and takes its own path.
即使如金华城里、金华小黄村、汤溪这样相距很近的地点，入声的演变就分别走了三条不同的道路。
Even with such near locations as urban Jinhua, Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village, and Tangxi, the evolution of tone IV took three different paths.
不过，在内部一致性比较高的温州地区（泰顺、永强除外），入声演变的道路没有出现分歧，即清入字读阴入长调，浊入字读阳入长调。
However, in Wenzhou Region which has fairly high internal consistency (except for Taishun and Yongqiang), the path of tone IV evolution did not undergo a division, that is, voiceless IV is pronounced as a long tone IVA, and voiced IV is pronounced as a long tone IVB.
那么，各地方言是如何各行其道的呢？
Now, how did each local dialect follow its own path?
表4一2中的材料为我们提供了有趣的线索。
The data in Table 4-2 provides us with interesting clues.
例如金华城里方言，非咸山摄的古入声字今按声母清浊分别读阴入［?4］、阳入［?212］二调，咸山摄的古入声字今按声母清浊分别归入阴去［55］、阳去［14］二调。
For example, in urban Jinhua dialect, ancient tone IV syllables, other than ‘xian’ and ’shan’ categories, are now split according to onset voicing into IVA [?4] and IVB [?212], and ‘xian’ and ’shan’ categories of tone IV are now split by voicing into IIIA [55] and IIIB [14].
可以推断，咸山摄的古入声字原来也是读阴入［?4］、阳入［?212］的，由于这两摄入声字的喉塞尾率先脱落，韵母变为开尾韵，所以它们的调值也同时失去短促特征。
We can infer that ‘xian’ and ’shan’ tone IV syllables were once also pronounced as IVA [?4] and IVB [?212], and as a result of these two categories first losing their glottal stop codas, the rhymes became open rhymes, so their contours also at that time lost their short character.
在这个时候，如果金华城里方言没有受到外来影响的话，它的咸山摄阴入字应该读成［44］，咸山摄阳入字应该读成［212］。
At this time, if urban Jinhua dialect hadn’t absorbed foreign influence, its ‘xian’ and ’shan’ syllables of tone IVA would have been pronounced [44] and its ‘xian’ and ’shan’ syllables of tone IVB would have been pronounced [212].
在金华城里方言的原声调系统中，没有［44］调，但有阴去［55］调，因此，咸山摄阴入字并入了与之读音十分接近的阴去调。
In urban Jinhua dialect’s former tone system, there was no [44] tone, but there was IIIA [55] tone, and so ‘xian’ and ’shan’ syllables of IVA merged with the very close IIIA tone.
至于阳入字的归向，原声调系统中跟［212］比较接近的有两个调，即阳平［313］调，阳去［14］调。
As for IVB syllables’ merger, the former tone system had two tones fairly close to [212], tone IB [313] and tone IIIB [14].
由于原阳人调［?212］的实际读音以上升部分为主（南部吴语的阳入调一般都是一个以低升为主的调），所以咸山摄阳入字失去短促特征以后，并入了读音比较接近的升调即阳去［14］调。
As a result of the rising portion of actual pronunciation of IVB tone [?212] being primary (Southern Wuyu IVB tone is generally a primarily low rising tone), after ‘xian’ and ’shan’ syllables of IVB lost their shortness, they merged with the fairly close rising tone of IIIB [14].
其他方言入声的演变情况也可以同样解释。
The evolution of tone IV in other dialects can also be explained in the same way.
例如汤溪方言，阴入字今读阴入［55］调，阳入字今归入阳上［113］调。
For example in Tangxi dialect, IVA is today pronounced [55], and IVB is merged with IIB [113].
根据周围方言的情况和汤溪方言自己的连调规律，我们可以推断汤溪方言的阴入原读［?5］（或［?4］)，阳入原读［?23］（或［?12］)—金华阴入［?4］、阳人［?212］（以上升为主），兰溪阴入［?34］、阳入［?12］，龙游阴入［?5］、阳入［?23］，遂昌阴入［?5］、阳入［?23］，汤溪方言浊入字在部分字组中连读调为［24］。
According to the situation in the surrounding dialects and Tangxi dialect’s own sandhi rules, we can extrapolate Tangxi dialect’s IVA was once pronounced [?5] (or [?4]), and IVB was once pronounced [?23] (or [?12]) — Jinhua IVA [?4] and IVB [?212] (with the rising as primary), Lanxi IVA [?34] and IVB [?12], Longyou IVA [?5] and IVB [?23], Suichang IVA [?5] and IVB [?23], and Tangxi dialect voiced IV in some sandhi contexts becomes [24].
当汤溪方言的入声失去短促特征时，阴入字应该读成［55］（或［44］)，阳入字应该读成［23］或［12］)。
When Tangxi dialect’s tone IV lost its characteristic shortness, IVA syllables must have been pronounced [55] (or [44]), and IVB syllables must have been pronounced [23] (or [12]).
由于汤溪方言的原声调系统中没有高平调，所以阴入字自成调类读［55］。
Since Tangxi dialect’s original tone system did not have a high level tone, IVA syllables became their own tone type [55].
至于阳入字的归向，原声调系统中有跟［23］（或［12］）比较接近的阴平［24］调和阳上［113］调，但阴平是阴调，只跟清声母相配，所以阳入字选择了阳上调作为归宿。
As for the merger of IVB syllables, the original tone system had the tones IA [24] and IIB [113] which are fairly close to [23] (or [12]). But IA is high register, only matching voiceless onsets, so IVB syllables chose IIB as their destination.
从以上分析可以看出，南部吴语入声调的演变过程首先是”延伸”，即把原来的短促调值拉长。
As seen from the above analysis, the tone IV’s course of evolution in Southern Wuyu is primarily extension, that is, lengthening the former short tone contour.
延伸之后，如果原声调系统中有相同相近的调值，就并入跟它最接近的那个调，如果没有，就保留单独的调类。
After extension, if the original tone system had an identical or similar contour, the it just merged with that closest tone. If there was none, then it was preserved as an independent tone category.
在这个过程中，要受到声母清浊的制约，即阴入字只能并入阴调，阳入字只能并入阳调。
In this process, the onset voicing restriction must be maintained, meaning IVA can only merge with A register tones and IVB can only merge with B register tones.
浦城方言的阴入字和阳入字之所以可以合并，正是因为它的全浊声母已经清化，不存在清阴浊阳的天然界线的缘故。
Pucheng dialect’s IVA syllables and IVB syllables can merge, just because its obstruent onsets had already devoiced, not preserving the cause of the natural division between voiceless A and voiced B.
南部吴语入声演变的规则在徽语里可以同样看到。
The rules of Southern Wuyu tone IV evolution can also be seen in Huiyu.
只是在徽语中，清浊声母的对立已经消失，所以入声字的归并不受声母清浊、声调阴阳的限制（曹志耘1998)。
It’s just that in Huiyu, the onset voicing contrast has already been lost, so onset voicing and register restrictions do not matter in the merger of tone IV syllables (Cao Zhiyun 1998).
因此，阴入字可以并入阳调，阳入字可以并入阴调。
For this reason, IVA can merge with B register tones, and IVB can merge with A register tones.
例如建德部分阴入字并入阳去［55］，屯溪阳入字并入阴平［11］，遂安县城阳入字并入阴上［213］。
For example, some IVA syllables in Jiande merged into IIIB [55], Tunxi IVB merged with IA, and Sui’an county IVB merged with IIA [213].
南部吴语、徽语入声演变的方式及其结果，与官话方言相比有着极大的不同。
The patterns of Southern Wuyu and Huiyu tone IV evolution, as well as their results, have enormous differences from Mandarin dialects.

In the past three weeks:

• I spent most of my time getting ready for the wedding and then spending time with our guests.
• I did record the current list of stimuli with my tutor, and threw out some more items. In addition to the category IIB sonorants and obstruents behaving differently, there are some other problems, most of which I think are associated with category IV syllables losing their codas. There are also a couple more items found where they simply use a different word here.
• I finally got an email from my contact from Lanxi, but I was not able to meet with him last week, and he is gone on an internship now.

In the next week:

• I need analyze the recording I have, and go ahead with a semi-final list of stimuli. Even if there are some partial gaps, the cells where there aren’t problems should be sufficient to answer my major research questions about variation, and I need to collect data.
• I need to put together a list of mono-syllables from the disyllable tokens, so I know when there are differences in mono-syllable tone category.
• I need to start scheduling recording sessions for next week.

In the past three weeks:

• I met with my tutor twice, and got familiarity ratings for the stimulus list, plus a few possible stories. At least for younger speakers, it will apparently be easier to just translate the story from Standard Mandarin on the fly than to try to read the unfamiliar characters of idiomatic Wuyu. The stimulus list does have a few items that are unfamiliar to the informant, possibly not used at all in Jinhua.
• I translated the next couple sections of 南部吴语. When I went to check some statements there with the wordlist, I realized that 南部吴语 and the dictionary disagree about what happened to tone IIB obstruent-onset syllables. 南部吴语 says that all tone IIB syllables merged into tone IIA in Jinhua and Lanxi, but the dictionary indicates that many if not most obstruent-initial syllables are pronounced with tone IIIB. The dictionary introduction says this is the case for literary pronunciation, and that casual pronunciation renders them as tone IIA, but I thought the dictionary pronunciations were going for casual speech. At minimum, it suggests that some obstruent-initial tokens could behave differently than the sonorant-onset tokens, in sandhi if not in citation form.
• I did also spend some time listening to 二十分可乐, and more time hanging out with friends who speak the local dialect with each other.

In the next couple weeks:

• I need to decide on a stimulus list. I have collected some possible alternatives from the dictionary, but not for all the gaps, particularly if tone IIB obstruents and sonorants do not behave the same. I also still am not sure of the original source of the stimulus list, and know of no alternative lists. I hope to meet with a Chinese student studying Ningbo dialect and/or the professor who was doing dialect research. And I need to check the alternative words with a couple native speakers.
• I’d like to finish a couple more sections of 南部吴语.
• But two weeks from now, my parents are visiting and we’re doing a wedding the day they get here, so things will be a bit busy.

第二节 浊上
Section 2: Voiced Category II

在南部吴语的不少方言里，古浊上调已经发生了变化。
In many dialects of Southern Wuyu, a changed has occurred in ancient voiced-onset tone II.
南部吴语古浊上的归并情况主要有以下几种：
These are the main varieties of merger of ancient voiced-onset tone II syllables in Southern Wuyu:
1．浊上归阴上：金华城里，兰溪，磐安中年以下，龙泉。
1. Voiced II have merged into IIA: urban Jinhua, Lanxi, Pan’an under middle-age, and Longquan.
古清上、浊上（包括次浊上和全浊上）字，金华城里今都读［535］调，兰溪今都读［534］调，龙泉今都读［52］调。
Syllables from ancient voiceless and voiced tone II (including obstruents and sonorants) are now all pronounced [535] in urban Jinhua, [534] in Lanxi, and [52] in Longquan.
从表面上看，这种现象似乎也可以看作是古上声不分阴阳。
As seen in the table, this kind of phenomenon can also be seen as ancient tone II not splitting into registers.
不过，赵元任《现代吴语的研究》所记20世纪20年代的金华城里方言分阴上［434］、阳上［423］。
However, Yuan-Ren Chao’s _Modern Wuyu Research_ records that in the 1920s, urban Jinhua did split IIA [434] and IIB [423].
从今天的情况来看，金华城里古全浊声母上声字声母已经清化，［535］调的调值跟周围方言阴上调的高降升型（金华小黄村［535］、汤溪［535］）相对应，所以，金华城里古上声字今全读［535］调应是古浊上字归入阴上的结果。
Looking at the current situation, in urban Jinhua the voiced obstruents in ancient tone II syllables have devoiced, and the tone contour [535] is in agreement with the IIA high falling-rising contours of the surrounding dialects (Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village [535], Tangxi [535]). Therefore, ancient tone II syllables all being pronounced as [535] in urban Jinhua is a result of ancient voiced-onset tone II syllables merging with IIA.
兰溪（赵则玲、陶寰1999）的情况跟金华城里相同。
The situation of Lanxi (Zhao Zeling and Tao Huan 1999) is the same as that of Jinhua.
龙泉的古全浊声母今天已全部清化，但龙泉上声字的高降调值［52］也完全跟周围一些方言的阴上调值（遂昌［52］、云和［53］）相对应，无疑属于阴调类系统，因此，龙泉古上声字今全读［52］调也应当是古浊上字归入阴上（阳上归阴上）的结果，不宜看作古上声不分阴阳或古清上归阳上。
Ancient voiced obstruent onsets are all devoiced in Longquan, but Longquan the high falling contour of tone II [52] is also completely matching the IIA contours of some of the surrounding dialects (Suichang [52], Yunhe [53]), undoubtedly belonging to register A. For this reason, Longquan ancient tone II syllables all being pronounced as [52] also must be a result of ancient voiced-onset tone II syllables merging with IIA (IIB merged with IIA). It is not appropriate to view it as ancient tone II not having a register split or as ancient voiceless-onset tone II merging with IIB.
磐安老年人次浊上、匣母上声字读阴上［434］，除匣母以外的全浊上字读阳上［244］，有的老年人匣母以外的全浊上字也有少数读作阴上，或阴上、阳上又读。
Pan’an older speakers pronounce sonorant onset and *g onset tone II syllables as IIA [434], while other voiced obstruent tone II syllables are pronounced as IIB [244]. Some older speakers pronounce some non-*g voiced obstruent syllables as IIA, or as alternately IIA and IIB.
中年以下的人浊上（包括次浊上和全浊上）字全部读作阴上［434］。
People younger than middle age pronounce all voiced onset tone II syllables (both obstruents and sonorants) as IIA [434].
全浊上字读阴上后全浊声母变为不送气清音。
After tone IIA, the onset of a voiced obstruent tone II syllable is changed to a voiceless unaspirated sound.
2.浊上归阴平：金华小黄村。
2. Voiced tone II merged with IA: Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village.
该方言的单字调系统如下：
This dialect’s isolation tone system is the following:

阴平［334］	阴上［535］	阴去［53］	阴入甲［?4］	阴入乙［55］
阳平［313］		阳去［14］	阳入甲［?313］	阳入乙［113]
IA [334]	IIA [535]	IIIA [53]	IVAa [?4]	IVAb [55]
IB [313]		IIIB [14]	IVBa [?313]	IVBb [113]

金华小黄村浊上归阴平以后，古全浊声母上声字读为清音声母，跟清平字混同，古次浊声母上声字也跟部分帮端母平声字（金华小黄村咸山摄帮端母字今读［m n/ɲ］声母）混同，例如：弟＝低 tiɛ334 | 柱＝珠 tɕy34 | 是＝嬉 ɕi 334 | 买＝班 ma 334 | 米＝边 miɛ334
In Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village, after voiced tone II merged with IIA syllables, voiced obstruent onsets of tone II became pronounced as voiceless, the same as voiceless tone I syllables. Ancient sonorant onsets of tone II syllables also mixed with the ‘bang’ and ‘duan’ onset tone I syllables. (In Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village, `bang’ and `duan’ onsets with `xian’ and `shan’ rhymes are now pronounced [m] and [n/ɲ].) For example: 弟＝低 tiɛ334 | 柱＝珠 tɕy34 | 是＝嬉 ɕi 334 | 买＝班 ma 334 | 米＝边 miɛ334
3．次浊上归阴上：磐安老年人，开化部分字，丽水，云和，平阳，苍南，泰顺。
3. Sonorant onset tone II merged into IIA: Pan’an older speakers, some Kaihua syllables, Lishui, Yunhe, Pingyang, Cangnan and Taishun.
4．次浊上归阴去：衢州部分字。
4. Sonorant onset tone II merged into IIIA: some Quzhou syllables.
5．全浊上归阳平：丽水。
5. Voiced obstruent tone II merged into IB: Lishui.
6．全浊上归阳去：衢州，开化，浦城部分字。
6. Voiced obstruent tone II merged into IIIB: Quzhou, Kaihua, some Pucheng syllables.
以上现象表明，在南部吴语中，浊上是一个不稳定的调类，其中次浊上归入其他调类的速度要略快于全浊上。
The above phenomena demonstrate that in Southern Wuyu, voiced tone II is an unstable tone category, in which the speed that sonorant tone II merges with other tone categories is slightly faster than that of voiced obstruent tone II.
在北部吴语以及其他一些方言（如官话）里，古浊上比较常见的归并模式是次浊上归阴上（或上声），全浊上归阳去（或去声）。
In Northern Wuyu as well as other dialects (like Mandarin), a commonly seen merger pattern of ancient voiced tone II is that of voiced obstruent tone II merging with IIA (or just tone II) while sonorant tone II merges with IIIB (or tone III).
在南部吴语中，没有一个地点是完全采用这种归并模式的，只有位于西北角的开化，次浊上有少数字归阴上，多数字和全浊上一起归阳去。
In Southern Wuyu, not a single location completely uses this merger pattern. Only Kaihua in the northwest has some voiced obstruent tone II merging with IIA while the majority merge into IIIB with the sonorants.
只采用次浊上归阴上方式的有磐安老年人、云和、平阳、苍南、泰顺五点。
The pattern of only having sonorants merge with IIA is found in five locations: Pan’an older speakers, Yunhe, Pingyang, Cangnan, and Taishun.
只采用全浊上归阳去方式的有浦城一点，但浦城的全浊上只有部分字归阳去，另一部分字仍读阳上。
The pattern of only having voiced obstruents merge with IIIB is found in one location, Pucheng, but only a portion of Pucheng’s voice obstruent tone II syllables merged into IIIA, and the portion stayed pronounced as IIB.
在古浊上的归并中，金华小黄村浊上归阴平，这种现象在整个南部吴语中显得比较突出。
Among the mergers of ancient voiced tone II, the phenomenon of voiced II merging into IA in Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village stands out among all of Southern Wuyu.
古浊上是否发生变化，以及变化的方式，在地域上看不出明显的规律性。
Geographically there is no obvious pattern about whether or not ancient voiced tone II underwent a change, as well as the manner of change.
只是上丽片的上山小片除开化外都没有发生变化，瓯江片的全浊上都没有发生变化。
Only Shangshan sub-group of Shangli group, except for Kaihua, had no change, and Oujiang group’s voiced obstruent tone II had no change.

第一节单字调
Section 1: Isolated tones
南部吴语地区37个县市方言单字调系统的基本情况见表4一1。
For the systems of isolated tones of the 37 dialect zones of the Southern Wuyu region, see Table 4-1.
表中各地的调类和调值情况，依据笔者所能看到的最新而比较可靠的资料（因来源众多，这里不一一注明了）。
The table contains each location’s tone categories and contours, which in the author’s view, are the newest and most reliable data (from numerous sources, here the differences are clarified).
方言点后面的数字是调类数，入声调值前面标”？”的表示是短促调，不标”？”的是长调，”／”表示又读。
The numeral after the dialect location is the tone count. The “?” before the IV tones indicates a short tone; the ones without a “?” are long tones. The “/” indicates alternate pronunciations.
1．调类
Tone classes
由表4一1可见，南部吴语比较完好地保留了”四声八调”的调类系统。
As can be seen in Table 4-1, Southern Wuyu has fairly completely maintained the “4 categories, 8 tones” tone system.
调类数目在6-8个之间（但金华小黄村有9个调类，磐安中年以下的人只有5个调类，详下），以8个为最普遍，在37个地点中有26点为8个调类，占70。
The tone counts are between 6 and 8 (though Jinhua’s Xiaohuang Village has 8 tones, and Pan’an speakers under middle age have only 5 tones). We can take 8 as the most common, since among the 37 locations, 26 of them (70%) have 8 tones.
古平、去声各地均按古声母清浊分为阴阳两类，古上、入声多数地区也按古声母清浊分为阴阳两类，少数地区古浊上、清入、浊入发生了新的分化合并，金华地区相对来说调类简化的速度比较快，详见下文。
Ancient I and III are divided into registers according the ancient onset voicing. Ancient II and IV are in most places also divided into registers according the ancient onset voicing, and in a few locations, a new split occurred in the ancient voiced II, voiceless IV or voiced IV syllables. Jinhua Region tone classes have simplified at a relatively fast rate, as detailed below.
2．调值
Tone pitches
南部吴语在调值方面具有如下几个特点：
As far as tone pitches, Southern Wuyu possesses the following characteristics:
(1)基本上保持了”阴高阳低”的调值格局。
The “high A, low B” register pitch structure is generally maintained.
只是在少数古全浊声母发生清化的方言里，出现了个别”阳高阴低”的现象，例如庆元阴平[334]，阳平［52]；泰顺阴平［213]，阳平〔53]；浦城阴上［44]，阳上［54]。
But in a few dialects that underwent obstruent devoicing, there occurred phenomena that do not follow the “high A, low B” pattern, such as Qingyuan’s IA [334] and IB [52], Taishun’s IA [213] and IB [53], and Pucheng’s IIA [44] and IIB [54].
(2)阴上（或上声）调多为高调，在一些方言里并有紧喉现象。
The IIA (or II) tone is high tone, and in a few dialects, it also has laryngealization.
例如，温州阴上［45］、阳上［34］都带紧喉成分；青田阴上［354］、阳上［243］调域很高，而且紧喉；文成阴上［454］高而短，并带紧喉色彩；衢州、龙游阴上［45］比较紧而短促。
For example, Wenzhou IIA [45] and IIB [34] carry creaky phonation. Qingtian IIA [354] and IIB [243] have high pitch ranges and also creaky phonation. Wencheng IIA [454] is high and short, and also carries creaky coloring. Quzhou and Longyou IIA [45] is fairly creaky and short.
(3)入声在温州地区泰顺除外全部读为长调；在金华地区，除了金华、兰溪、武义等地仍不同程度地保留短促调以外，或读长调，或合入其他舒声调；络云、龙泉、浦城也读长调（龙泉的阴入潘悟云先生记作［5］,但不带喉塞）。
In Wenzhou Region except for Taishun, IV is pronounced as a long tone. In Jinhua Region except for Jinhua, Lanxi, Wuyi, etc, which to different degrees still maintain short tones, category IV are either pronounced as a long tones or merged with other tones. Laoyun, Longyou, and Pucheng also have long tones. (Pan Wuyun records Longquan’s IVA as [5], but without a glottal stop).
在其余地区（主要是衢州、上饶、丽水地区），入声仍读短促调，带喉塞尾，其中阴入调一般为高短调，阳入调一般为短促的低升调或低降升调。
In the other regions (mainly Quzhou, Shangrao, and Lishui regions), IV tones are still pronounced as short tones, with a glottal stop. Among them, IVA is generally high and short, and IVB is generally a short low rising or short low falling tone.
(4)升降调比较常见，表4一1中共出现17次，有些方言记作其他调型（主要是升调）的调值实际读音也接近升降调，例如磐安阳去［14］接近［143］，遂昌阳平［221］和庆元阳上［221］有时为［231］。
Rising tones are relatively common, appearing 17 times in Table 4-1. Some dialects are recorded as having other contours (primarily rising tones) which are actually close to rising-falling tones. For example, Pan’an’s IIIB [14] is close to [143], and Suichang’s IB [221] and Qingyuan’s IIB [221] are sometimes [231].
从总体上看，大约每两个地点中有一个升降调。
Overall, approximately every two locations have one rising-falling tone.
(5)温州地区除泰顺以外，单字调（据郑张尚芳先生告知，还包括连读调）的调值系统相当一致。这种一致性在南部吴语的其他地区完全看不到。
The citation tone contours of Wenzhou Region, except for Taishun, (according to Zhengzhang Shangfang’s information, the sandhi tones are included) are completely identical. This kind of uniformity is completely unseen in other regions.

表4-1 南部吴语单字调
Table 4-1. Southern Wuyu isolated tones

清平 浊平 清上 次浊上 全浊上 清去 浊去 清入 浊入
金华7 阴平334 阳平313 阴上535 ＝阴上 ＝阴上 阴去55 阳去14 阴入?4 阳人?212
汤溪7 阴平24 阳平11 阴上535 阳上113 ＝阳上 阴去52 阳去341 阴入55 ＝阳上
兰溪7 阴平33 阳平21 阴上534 ＝阴上 ＝阴上 阴去45 阳去24 阴入?34 阳人？12
浦江8 阴平33 阳平213 阴上53 阳上31 ＝阳上 阴去445 阳去13 阴入334 阳入223
义乌6 阴平33 阳平213 阴上53 阳上31 ＝阳上 阴去55 阳去13 ＝阴平 ＝阳平
东阳8 阴平33 阳平113 阴上55 阳上22 ＝阳上 阴去53 阳去13 阴入434 阳人212
磐安6 阴平445 阳平213 阴上434 ＝阴上 阳上244 阴去52 阳去14 ＝阴上 ＝阳平
永康6 阴平44 阳平22 阴上35 阳上13 ＝阳上 阴去52 阳去241/24 ＝阴上 ＝阳上
武义8 阴平24 阳平213 阴上55 阳上13 ＝阳上 阴去53 阳去31 阴入?5 阳入n12
衙州7 阴平434 阳平323 阴上45 阴去阳去 ＝阳去 阴去53 阳去231 阴人?5 阳入？12
龙游8 阴平434 阳平21 阴上45 阳上213 ＝阳上 阴去52 阳去231 阴人？5 阳入?23
开化7 阴平45 阳平341 阴上53 阴上阳去 ＝阳去 阴去423 阳去212 阴入?5 阳入?24
常山8 阴平45 阳平341 阴上52 阳上24 ＝阳上 阴去423 阳去212 阴入乃 阳人?34
江山8 阴平44 阳平313 阴上343 阳上33 ＝阳上 阴去52 阳去31 阴人?5 阳入乃
上饶8 阴平55 阳平312 阴上53 阳上31 ＝阳上 阴去523 阳去212 阴入？5 阳入乃
广丰8 阴平445 阳平231 阴上52 阳上214 ＝阳上 阴去424 阳去223 阴入？?5 阳人?23
玉山8 阴平33 阳平24 阴上45 阳上22 ＝阳上 阴去52 阳去31 阴入乃 阳入?23
丽水7 阴平24 阳平n 阴上544 ＝阴上 ＝阳平 阴去52 阳去231 阴入？?5 阳人?23
遂昌8 阴平55 阳平221 阴上52 阳上13 ＝阳上 阴去334 阳去212 阴人朽 阳人?23
松阳8 阴平51 阳平31 阴上214 阳上22 ＝阳上 阴去35 阳去13 阴入乃 阳人?2
宣平8 阴平24 阳平323 阴上44 阳上223 ＝阳上 阴去53 阳去31 阴人朽 阳入刀
婿云8 阴平334 阳平231 阴上53 阳上31 ＝阳上 阴去554 阳去213 阴入423 阳入35
青田8 阴平334 阳平211 阴上354 阳上243 ＝阳上 阴去33 阳去22 阴入?43 阳入?32
云和8 阴平324 阳平423 阴上53 ＝阴上 阳上21 阴去55 阳去223 阴入乃 阳入?24
景宁8 阴平423 阳平312 阴上33 阳上31 二阳上 阴去45 阳去13 阴人朽 阳入?23
龙泉7 阴平335 阳平211 阴上52 ＝阴上 ＝阴上 阴去44 阳去113 阴入54 阳人23
庆元8 阴平334 阳平52 阴上33 阳上221 ＝阳上 阴去n 阳去31 阴入朽 阳人?34
温州8 阴平44 阳平31 阴上45 阳上34 ＝阳上 阴去42 阳去22 阴人323 阳入212
永嘉8 阴平44 阳平31 阴上454 阳上243 ＝阳上 阴去42 阳去22 阴人34 阳入213
乐清8 阴平44 阳平31 阴上45 阳上24 二阳上 阴去42 阳去22 阴入323 阳人212
瑞安8 阴平44 阳平31 阴上54 阳上243 ＝阳上 阴去42 阳去22 阴入34 阳人213
洞头8 阴平44 阳平31 阴上45 阳上34 ＝阳上 阴去42 阳去22 阴入323 阳入212
平阳8 阴平44 阳平31 阴上54 ＝阴上 阳上243 阴去42 阳去22 阴入34 阳入213
苍南8 阴平44 阳平21 阴上54 ＝阴上 阳上45 阴去42 阳去22 阴入24 阳人213
文成8 阴平445 阳平113 阴上454 阳上324 二阳上 阴去334 阳去313 阴人24 阳入213
泰顺8 阴平213 5 阴上344 ＝阴上 阳上31 阴去35 阳去22 阴入25 阳人左
浦城7 阴平35 阳平 阴上44 阳上54 阳上阳去 阴去423 阳去21 入声32 人声

It has been three weeks since last butt-kicking. In the past three weeks,
– I finished the short paper, and submitted it to a couple professors for comment.
– I translated the next section of 南部吴语, the previous post. It was very long.
– I actually haven’t had much opportunity to listen to 二十分可乐. When I had time, there were technical problems.
– I haven’t written the Harmonic Grammar counting email.
– I did find the standard lists of tokens for surveying tone sandhi. I couldn’t find a citation for them though. I’m still unclear about it’s origin, but the list I found (on a message board) is the same one I had started to copy from 吴语语音研究.

In the next couple weeks,
– I will have to spend some time on a trip to Hong Kong, and on a short job to better afford it.
– I need to focus on getting ready to record the sandhi lists. I need to meet with my tutor and get rough familiarity ratings, though if there are problematic cells, I don’t know what solution there could be.
– In view of this focus, I’m skipping ahead in 南部吴语 to the chapter on tone. I’ll translate the next section.
– And I do want to keep watching 二十分可乐.

三 需要讨论的几个问题
3 A few issues that must be discussed

如上所述，”南部吴语”可以跟”北部吴语”或”太湖片”（以及宣州片）吴语相对而言，这必然涉及它与”北部吴语”或”太湖片”（以及宣州片）吴语以及周围有关方言的分界问题。
As mentioned above, “Southern Wu” can be contrasted with “Northern Wu” or “Taihu group” (plus Xuanzhou group), which must necessarily involve the boundary issues of “Northern Wu” or “Taihu group” (plus Xuanzhou group).
在上一小节，我们已经提出了一个”南部吴语”的界定，这里再对几个相关的问题作进一步的说明和讨论。
In the previous subsection, we already put forward a resolution about “Southern Wu”, and here we will take another step forward in explanation and discussion of a few interrelated issues.
1．台州方言
1. Taizhou Dialects
傅国通等（1986:5)指出”台州片”的特点如下：
Fu Guotong et al. (1986:5) proposed the following features of “Taizhou group”:
(1) [k kh g h] 声母拼撮口呼韵母。
(1) The onsets [k kh g h] can go with `tense-lip’ ([y]-initial) rhymes.
如天台、临海、仙居、黄岩：举ky3 | 区khy1 | 跪gy4；临海、黄岩：穷 gyoN2 | 嗅hyoN5；仙居、黄岩：拳gyo2 | 军kyn1。
For example, in Tiantai, Linhai, Xianju, and Huangyan: 举ky3 | 区khy1 | 跪gy4；in Linhai and Huangyan: 穷 gyoN2 | 嗅hyoN5；in Xianju and Huangyan：拳gyo2 | 军kyn1
据《台州地区志》(1995）和《临海县志》(1989), [k kh g h]声母也可拼齐齿呼韵母，[k kh g h] 拼细音时的实际读音为[c ch J C]，临海市区新派一律读[tX tXh dZ X]。
According to _History of Taizhou Region_ (1995) and _History of Linhai County_ (1989), the onsets [k kh g h] can also go with `close-teeth’ ([i]-initial) rhymes. Before high front vowels, [k kh g h] become
pronounced as [c ch J C] (palatals), except that in Linhai City, they are pronounced as [tX tXh dZ X] (palatalized postalveolars).
（此处音节右上角的代码为调类，参看本章第三节”本书体例说明”。—笔者按）
(The codes on the right side of the syllable are tone categories. See section 3 of this chapter “Explanations of this book’s style”. — the Author)
(2）阴去字单说一律读高平调。
Tone IVa (T7) citation form is always pronounced as a high level tone.
如临海、黄岩、温岭：靠 khO55。
For example, Linhai, Huangyan, Wenling: 靠 khO55.
（此处音节右上角的数字为调值，参看本章第三节”本书体例说明”。—笔者按）
(The codes on the right side of the syllable are tone values. See section 3 of this chapter “Explanations of this book’s style”. — the Author)
(3）用变音表示儿尾。
They use tone change to express diminutive.
如温岭：桃dO15 桃儿 <= dO31桃 | 凿zO~51凿子 <= zo’11凿。
For example, Wenling: 桃dO15 `little peach’ <= dO31桃 `peach’ | 凿zO~51 `little chisel’ <= zo’11凿 `chisel’。
(4)”姐夫、妹夫”都叫”姊丈”。
The husbands of younger and older sisters are both called “姊丈”.
“早晨”叫”枯心”，只有仙居叫”五更”。
“Early morning” is called “枯心” (lit. dry heart); only in Xianju is it called “the fifth watch”.
(5)动词重叠后加”想”，表示短暂或尝试。
“想” after a reduplicated verb expresses a brief or attempted action.
（据傅国通等1985:18，宁海、三门、黄岩用”相”。据戴昭铭1999，天台也用”相”，天台的”相”就是”看”的意思。—笔者按）
(According to Fu Guotong et al. 1985:18, Ninghai, Sanmen and Huangyan use “相”. According to Dai Zhaoming 1999, Tiantai also uses “相”, which in Tiantai just means “see”. — the Author)
从这几条简要的特征，我们很难判断台州方言是否应该单立一片。
From these brief characteristics, it is difficult for us to determine if Taizhou dialects should be considered a dialect group.
现在我们根据别的理由，试图把台州方言归入太湖片。这几条理由是：
Currently, for other reasons, we attempt to classify Taizhou dialects back in the Taihu group. The reasons for this are:
(1)台州方言可与太湖片方言通话。
Taizhou dialects can converse with Taihu group dialects.
（据潘悟云、郑张尚芳先生告知。秋谷裕幸先生曾对临海方言做过简单调查，也认为临海方言比较接近太湖片方言。）
(According to Pan Wuyun and Zhengzhang Shangfang. Qiugu Yuxing previously carried out a simple survey of Linhai dialects, and he also considers Linhai dialects very close to Taihu group dialects.)
就这一点来说，台州方言没有资格从太湖片里分出来而成为”南部吴语”的一种，因为其他南部吴语均以面貌特异、与其他方言通话程度低（尤其是无法与太湖片方言通话）为其显著特征。
By this we mean that Taizhou dialects do not qualify to be seperated from Taihu group and made one kind of “Southern Wu”, because other Southern Wu all has unusual features, and the level of intelligibility among dialects is low (in particular, they are mutually unintelligible with Taihu group dialects), its outstanding characteristic.
(2)傅国通等（1985:17）指出：”本片（指台州片—笔者按）方言内部比较一致，一般能互相通话”。
Fu Guotong et al. (1985:17) proposed: “The dialects of this group (referring to the Taizhou group — the Author) are fairly similar. They are generally mutually intelligible.”
《台州地区志》(1995:1078）指出：
_History of Taizhou Region_ (1995:1078) proposes:
“台州方言片以临海市为中心，市北与仙居、天台、三门3县通称上乡话，口音比较强硬；市南与温岭、黄岩、玉环、椒江4县市通称下乡话，口音较柔软；上、下乡语音有细微差别。”
“Taizhou dialect group takes Linhai as its center. The three counties in the north of the city — Xianju, Tiantai and Sanmen — are called highland speech, which has a fairly rough accent. The four counties in
the south of the city — Wenling, Huangyan, Yubei and Jiaojiang — are called lowland speech, which has a fairly soft accent. There is a fine distinction between highland and lowland pronunciation.”
由此看来，台州方言内部一致性相当强，而内部一致性强、通话程度高也是太湖片方言的一个特征，南部吴语的金衢片、上丽片内部差异都很大，通话程度也很低。
From this it appears that there is a fairly strong consistency among Taizhou dialects. Yet a strong internal consistency and a high level of mutual intelligibility are characteristic of Taihu group dialects,
whereas the Southern Wu groups Jinqu and Shangli have great internal differences and a low level of mutual intelligibility.
(3）据《台州地区志》(1995)，咸山摄阳声韵字读 [E iE uE]、 [o/ uo/ yo/] 两组韵母，如临海：班 pE33 | 连
liE22 | 弯 uE33 | 半 po/55 | 官 kuo/33 | 全Zyo/22。
According to _History of Taizhou Region_ (1995), low register `xian’ and `shan’ rhymes are pronounced [E iE uE] and [o/ uo/ yo/], such as Linhai: 班 pE33 | 连 liE22 | 弯 uE33 | 半 po/55 | 官 kuo/33 | 全 Zyo/22。
这些字的韵母读法十分接近浙江北部地区的吴语。
The rhymes of these characters are all similar to Wuyu of the northern Zhejiang area.
当然，由于目前的台州方言资料有限，把台州方言归入太湖片只不过是一种尝试。
Of course, because the current information about Taizhou dialects is limited, classifying Taizhou dialects in the Taihu group is only tentative.
如果要下定论，必须进行专门的调查研究。
If we want a final conclusion, we must conduct specialized survey research.
本书暂时按”台州归太湖”的办法来处理，这样做的好处是可以使”南部吴语”具有更大程度上的共性
The advantage of the way this book temporarily treats “Taizhou as Taihu” is that it makes “Southern Wu” have an even greater degree of general character.
（郑张尚芳先生告诉笔者，台州方言上声调带紧喉现象，这个特点跟温州话相似。
(Zhengzhang Shangfang has told the author that Taizhou dialect tone III has glottal constriction, which resembles Wenzhou dialect.
他认为台州方言可以算作太湖片与瓯江片的过渡区）。
He believes Taizhou dialects can be regarded as intermediate between Taihu group and Oujiang group.
2．严州方言
2. Yanzhou Dialects
“严州方言”是指分布在浙江省西部原严州府的淳安、遂安、建德、寿昌四县，亦即今杭州市的淳安县（遂安并入淳安）、建德市（寿昌并入建德）的汉语方言。
“Yanzhou dialects” are located in western Zhejiang, the four counties Chun’an, Sui’an, Jiande and Shouchang of the former Yanzhou Prefecture. That is, the Chinese dialects of modern-day Hangzhou
City’s Chun’an County (Sui’an was merged with Chun’an) and Jiande City (Shouchang was merged with Jiande).
建德、寿昌、遂安分别与金华地区的浦江、兰溪，衢州地区的龙游、衢县、常山、开化等县市接壤。
Jiande, Shouchang and Sui’an are distinct from Jinhua Region’s Pujiang and Lanxi and from Quzhou Region’s Longyou, Quxian, Changshan, Kaihua, and other bordering areas.
曹志耘（1996a: 9）认为：”要确定严州方言的性质和系属为时尚早”。
Cao Zhiyun (1996a: 9) acknowledges: “It is premature to try to decide the characteristics and classification of Yanzhou dialects.”
通过近几年的思考，笔着现在倾向于把徽语和吴语合起来，严州方言是其中的一部分。
After these few years of consideration, the author now favors joining Huiyu and Wuyu together, and Yanzhou dialects are one part of it.
但这不是本书的论题，这里要讨论的是严州方言不宜归入”南部吴语”的问题。
But this is not this book’s topic. Here we will discuss the issue of why it is not appropriate to include Yanzhou dialects in “Southern Wu”.
从严州方言的具体情况来看，淳安话和遂安话具有很大的独特性，跟南部吴语差别很大，无法归入南部吴语。
Based on Yanzhou dialects’ specific situation, Chun’an dialect and Sui’an dialect have great individuality, differing greatly from Southern Wu and incapable of being classified as Southern Wu.
严州方言与南部吴语有纠葛的问题有两个。
Yanzhou dialects and Southern Wu have two disputed questions.
一是建德、寿昌的文读系统跟金华城里方言的文读系统非常接近（跟兰溪、龙游等地的文读系统也很接近），二是寿昌的白读系统中也有一些与南部吴语特别是金衢片吴语相近的特点。
One is that the literary pronunciation system of Jiande and Shouchang are extraordinarily close to that of urban Jinhua. (It is also very similar to the literary pronunciation of Lanxi, Longyou, etc.) The second is that Shouchang casual pronunciation has a few features similar to Southern Wu, particularly the Jinqu group.
关于第一个间题，建德、寿昌人把本地的文读系统叫做”浙江方言”，金华城里文读系统的特点接近北部吴语特别是浙江省的强势方言杭州话，从形成过程、使用情况和语言特征来看，这些地方的文读系统实际上都是所谓”浙江官话”（浙江的地区共同语）的地域变体，所以不能据此认为建德、寿昌方言与金华方言相近。
Regarding the first question, the people of Jiande and Shouchang call their system of literary pronunciation “Zhejiang dialect”, and urban Jinhua’s literary pronunciation is similar to that of Northern Wu, particularly to that of the influential Hangzhou dialect. Based on the formation process, usage situation and language features, the literary pronunciation systems of these places are actually local variants of the so-called “Zhejiang Officialese” (Zhejiang’s regional lingua franca). So we can not consider Jiande and Shouchang dialects similar to Jinhua dialects on those grounds.
关于第二个问题，寿昌方言的白读系统里的确存在一些与南部吴语特别是金衢片吴语相同相近，而与徽语、太湖片吴语不同的地方。
As to the second question, Shouchang dialect’s casual pronunciation has a few similarities with Southern Wu, especially the Wuyu of Jinqu group, and it has several differences from Huiyu and Taihu group Wuyu.
例如，[n], [l]声母徽语多数地点相混，寿昌不混；”厚”字徽语多数地点读擦音声母，寿昌读塞音声母；”人”说”农”；”事情”说”事干”；句尾”了”说”罢”；程度副词用”猛”，等等。
For example, the onsets [n] and [l] are merged in most of Huiyu, but in Shouchang they are not. The character “厚” is pronounced with a fricative onset in most Huiyu locations, but in Suichang it is pronounced with a stop. They say “农” for `person’, “事干” for `business affairs’, “罢” for sentence-final “了”, “猛” as the degree adverb, and so on.
但是，寿昌方言有一些很重要的特征是南部吴语所没有的：
However, Suichang dialect has a few important features that Southern Wu places don’t have:
(1)古全浊声母全部清化，逢塞音塞擦音一律读送气清音。
(1) Classical voiced onsets are all devoiced, and all stops and affricates are aspirated.
(2)去声不分阴阳，都读 [33] 调。文读中清去与清上、次浊上合，浊去与全浊上合。
(2) Tone IV has no register distinction, with both pronounced as [33]. In literary pronunciation, tone II and III with voiceless onsets are merged with tone II with sonorant onsets, and tone III with voiced
onsets and tone II with voiced obstruent onsets are merged.
寿昌方言去声（特别是清去）与其他声调合并这一特征跟徽语及北部吴语的某些方言相近。
This characteristic of Shouchang dialect tone III (especially voiceless III) merging with other tones resembles certain dialects of Huiyu and Northern Wu.
(3)”阴高阳低”的调值模式已不复存在，寿昌方言白读系统的8个单字调如下：
阴平［112］阴上［24］去声［33］阴入甲［55］阴入乙［?3］
阳平［52］ 阳上［534］ 阳入［31］
The pattern of high and low pitches for high and low registers in not mantained. The 8 citation tones of Shouchang dialect casual pronunciation system are as follows:
Ia［112］IIa［24］IIIa［33］IVa.i［55］IVa.ii［?3］
Ib［52］ IIb［534］ IVb［31］
(4）调类合并时已突破”阴阴合并”或”阳阳合并”的模式，白读中清去与浊去不分，部分浊入字合入阴上调，文读中次浊上与清上、清去合。
When the tone categories merge, that patterns of “high-register merger” and “low register merger” are already broken. In casual pronunciation, voiceless III and voiced III are not distinguished, and some of the voiced IV characters merge with IIa tone. In literary pronunciation, sonorants of II and voiceless obstruents of II and III are merged.
(5）词汇、语法方面也有一些重要现象与南部吴语不同，如”我”说 [tsa2]，”你”说 [tsen2]，介词”把”用”把”，等。
Lexical and grammatical aspects also have a few important differences from Southern Wu, such as [tsa2] for “I”, [tsen2] for “you”, “把” for the object-marking preposition, and so on.
根据以上特征，我们不把寿昌话归入”南部吴语”。
Based on the above characteristics, we don’t include Shouchang in “Southern Wu”.
3．上饶吴语
3. Shangrao Wu
江西省东部上饶地区的部分县市即上饶市、上饶县、广丰县、玉山县以及德兴市的陇头村的方言属于南部吴语，这应该没有太大的问题。
The dialects of part of the Shangrao region of east Jiangxi Province, namely Shangrao City, Shangrao County, Guangfeng County and Yushan County, as well as Longtou Village of Dexing City, belong to Southern Wu. There shouldn’t be much problem with this.
只是广丰方言古全浊擦音声母已经全部清化，古全浊塞音、塞擦音声母（尤其是在轻声音节）相对清化。
It is just that in Guangfeng dialect, ancient voiced fricative onsets have completely devoiced, and ancient voiced stops and affricates (especially in neutral-tone syllables) have become relatively
devoiced.
但全浊声母清化在吴语里已不是个别现象，金华、衢州一带方言的所谓全浊声母不少也可以记作清声母。
But voiced obstruent devoicing in Wuyu is not an individual phenomenon. In dialects of Jinhua and Quzhou, nominally voiced obstruents can not uncommonly be recorded as voiceless onsets.
广丰方言仍保留平、上、去、入按古声母清浊各分阴阳（四声八调）的格局，也就是说古清浊声母字实际上并没有混同，这符合吴语的一般情况。
Guangfeng dialects still retain the classical voicing/register distinction in each of the tone categories (four categories, eight tones). Which is to say, the classical onset voicing is in fact not merged at all, in keeping with the usual situation in Wuyu.
该地区的另一个问题是上饶（包括上饶市和上饶县）方言比较”新”，也就是说跟附近的吴语方言相比，发展速度比较快，保存古老特点比较少。
The other problem with the above-mentioned region is that the dialects of Shangrao (including Shangrao City and Shangrao County) are fairly “new”, which is to say that compared to the neighboring Wuyu dialects, the speed of development is fairly rapid and the ancient characteristics are not preserved very much.
例如，非组字一般不读 [p] 组声母，知组字一般不读 [t] 组声母，”人”说”人”不说”农”，”肚子”说”肚”不说”腹”，”不”说”不”不说”弗”，副词”在”（如”他在吃饭”）用”在”不用”是”、”坐”之类，等等。
For example, `fei’-group characters are generally not pronounced with a [p] onset, `zhi’-group characters are generally not pronounced with a [t] onset, they use “人” not “农” for “person”, they use “肚” not “腹” for “stomach”, they use “不” not “弗” for “not”, they use “在” not “是”, “坐”, etc. as the auxiliary (such as “他在吃饭” [He is eating]), and so on.
这种较”新”的现象跟金华、衢州等较大城市的方言有相同之处。
This kind of fairly “new” phenomena is the same as is found in the dialects of Jinhua, Quzhou, and other fairly large cities.
4．浦城吴语
4. Pucheng Wuyu
福建省西北部浦城县北部的12个乡镇（包括县城南浦镇）使用吴语。浦城吴语具有较大的独特性。
Wuyu is spoken in 12 villages of northern Pucheng County in northwestern Fujian Province. Pucheng Wuyu is quite distinctive.
在声母方面，古全浊声母全部清化，逢塞音塞擦音绝大多数字读不送气清音，例如：皮pi213 | 柱 tXy54 | 殿 tia~i21 | 杂 tsa32。
As for onsets, ancient voiced obstruents all devoiced, in a great number of characters, stops and affricates are pronounced without aspiration, for example: 皮 pi213 | 柱 tXy54 | 殿 tia~i21 | 杂 tsa32.
端母字读［l］声母，例如：低 lie35 | 朵 luo44 | 到 lao423 | 答 la32，因此，定母 [t] 跟端母[l] 并不同音。
Characters with `duan’ initials are pronounced with [l] onsets, such as: 低 lie35 | 朵 luo44 | 到 lao423 | 答 la32, and so `ding’ initials and `duan’ initials do not sound the same.
在韵母方面，古入声字已全部失去塞音韵尾，变为开尾或元音尾韵母。
As for rhymes, the ancient tone IV characters have all lost their stop codas and become empty-coda or vowel-final rhymes.
在声调方面，平、上、去三调仍然按古声母的清浊各分阴阳，调值基本上保留了”阴高阳低”的模式；入声则不分阴阳，都读 [32] 调，因此造成了古清声母入声字和浊声母入声字的对立完全消失（端、定母字声母相分，除外），例如：福＝服 fu32 | 竹＝族 tsou32。
As for tones, categories I, II and III are each still divided into registers according to the ancient onset voicing constrast, and the tone pitches basically preserved the register/pitch height pattern. But tone IV is not divided into registers, and is all pronounced as [32]. For this reason, the constrast between ancient voiceless-onset characters of category IV and voiced-onset characters of category IV has disappeared. (The onsets of `duan’ and `ding’ characters do contrast and are not included.) For example, 福＝服 fu32 | 竹＝族 tsou32.
李如龙（1991:392一393)认为浦城吴语”早先它应该也是闽北方言，至今还有不少常用词和’建属六邑’相同，但从现状的整体看，它已经蜕变为吴方言，大体可与浙西南各县吴语通话，石破（位于浦城县南部，通行闽北方言—笔者按）人进城反而听不懂南浦话。
Li Rulong (1991:392-393) believes Pucheng Wuyu “probably was formerly a Min Bei dialect, and even now it still has quite a few common words the same as `the six cities of Fujian’. But looking at the current situation, it has already transformed into a Wuyu dialect. In general it is mutually intelligible with the Wuyu of all southwestern Zhejiang. When the people of Shipo (located in the southern part of
Pucheng County, and using as Min Bei dialect. — the Author) go to town, they actually don’t understand the Nanpu [South Pucheng] dialect spoken there.
“浦城吴语是否能跟相邻的浙江省江山、遂昌、龙泉等地方言通话，尚难以肯定。
“It is still difficult to determine whether Pucheng Wuyu is mutually intelligible with the dialects in the neighboring Zhejiang counties of Jiangshan, Suichang, Longquan, etc.
但可以看到，浦城吴语里存在不少与这些地区方言相近的南部吴语特征，例如有 [f] 声母，端母字读 [l] 声母（龙泉横坑头、庆元端母字读
[?d] 声母），”打”读［n］声母，”咬”读 [Nao4] ,”人”说”农”，”田”说”田”不说”滕”，”吃”说 [lie7]，等等。
But it can be seen that quite a few of the characteristics of Southern Wu found in Pucheng Wuyu are similar to the dialects of those regions. For example, there is the [f] onset, the `duan’ onset characters
pronounced with [l] onset (Hengkengtou of Longquans and Qingyuan pronounce `duan’ onsets as [?d]), “打” is pronounced with [n] onset, “咬” is pronounced [Nao4], they use “农” for “person”, “田” not “滕” for
“field”, “吃” is pronounced [lie7], and so on.
5．庆元、龙泉方言
5. Dialects of Qingyuan and Longquan
最后要讨论的是浙江省南端的庆元县和龙泉市的方言。
The last thing to discuss is the dialects of Zhejiang’s southernmost regions, Qingyuan County and Longquan City.
罗杰瑞(1995:175)指出：”浙江省除了西南的庆元（译文误作”庆源”—笔者按）、龙泉等地以外，都讲吴语”，并说”这是 J .
Norman 从庆元人语音中得出的看法”(1995:185)。
Luo Jierui (1995:175) proposed: “Zhejiang Province, except for Qingyuan (mistranslated as Qingyuan [diff. character] — the Author), Longquan, etc in the southwest, all speak Wuyu.” He also says, “This
is the opinion J. Norman arrived at from recordings of Qingyuan speakers.”
说浙江省除了庆元、龙泉以外都讲吴语，显然是有欠周详的。
Saying that Zhejiang Province speaks Wuyu except for Qingyuan and Longquan is clearly not detailed enough.
众所周知，苍南县的大部分地区使用闽语，洞头、平阳、泰顺等县也有不少地方使用闽语。
As everyone knows, most of the area of Cangnan County uses Min, and Dongtou, Pingyang, Taishun, etc. also have quite a few places that use Min.
至于庆元县方言的系属问题，据笔者和秋谷裕幸先生调查，庆元县绝大部分地区说吴语，只有东南角江根乡的江根、水寨、坝头、下青田、上青田、沙衣湖、答坑几个村说一种接近福建寿宁话的方言。
As to the question of the classification of Qingyuan County dialects, according to the author and Qiugu Yuxing’s survey, the vast majority of Qingyuan County speaks Wuyu, and there is only the villages Jianggen, Shuizhai, Batou, Lower Qingtian, Upper Qingtian, Shayi Lake and Dakeng of Jianggen Country in the northeast corner, which speak a dialect that is similar to Fujian’s Shouning dialect.
庆元吴语古全浊声母字今不论平仄一律读作不送气的清塞音、清塞擦音或清擦音，例如：婆po52 | 簿 p&221 | 定 tIN31 | 碟 tia?34 | 茶 tso52 | 桥 txiA52 | 直 txi?34 | 肥 fi52 | 蝉 xiE~52 I实 xi@W?34。
Qingyuan Wuyu ancient voiced obstruent onsets, regardless of tone, are all pronounced as unaspirated stops, affricates or fricatives. For example, 婆po52 | 簿 p&221 | 定 tIN31 I 碟 tia?34 | 茶 tso52 | 桥 txiA52 | 直 txi?34 | 肥 fi52 | 蝉 xiE~52 I实 xi@W?34.
同时，帮、端母字分别读作 [?b] 声母和 [?d] 声母（这一特点跟龙泉横坑头、云和、景宁、青田等地吴语相同），例如 此 ?bi33 | 扮 ?ba~11 I 八 ?bo?50 I 底 ?die33 | 东 ?doN334 I答 ?da?50。
At the same time, `bang’ and `duan’ characters are pronounced with [?b] and [?d] onsets respectively. (This feature is similar to the Wuyu of Hengkengtou, Yunhe, Jingning, Qingtian, etc. of Longquan.) For
example, 此 ?bi33 | 扮 ?ba~11 I 八 ?bo?50 I 底 ?die33 | 东 ?doN334 | 答 ?da?50.
因此，並母［p］跟帮母［?b］并不同音，定母［t］跟端母［?d］并不同音。
For this reason, `bing’ onsets [p] and `bang’ onsets [?b] are not homophonous, and `ding’ onsets [t] and `duan’ onsets [?d] are not homophonous.
韵母系统里只有一个鼻尾，一个喉塞尾。
The rhyme inventory only has one nasal coda and one glottal stop coda.
声调系统比较完整地保留了平、上、去、入按古声母的清浊各分阴阳（四声八调）的模式。
The tone inventory has fairly completely retained the register split pattern of the four tone categories according to the ancient onset voicing contrast (four categories, eight contours).
有丰富的小称现象，等等。
It has abundant dimunitive phenomena, and so on.
龙泉市境内除了舍话、客家话、淳安话（徽语）方言岛以外，都使用龙泉吴语。
Within Longquan City, besides She, Hakka, and Chun’an (Huiyu) dialect islands, it all uses Longquan Wuyu.
龙泉吴语古全浊声母字今不论平仄一律读作不送气的清塞音、清塞擦音或清擦音，帮、端母字城里读［p
t］声母，有的乡下（如与庆元相邻的横坑头）读［?b ?d］声母，这些特点跟庆元相同。
Longquan Wuyu ancient voiced obstruent onsets, regardless of tone, are all pronounced as unaspirated stops, affricates or fricatives. Onsets of `bang’ and `duan’ characters are pronounced as [p t] in the city,
and in some rural areas (like Hengkengtou bordering Qingyuan) they are pronounced [?b ?d], features which are just like Qingyuan.
在其他方面，龙泉话具有一般吴语的特性，比如声调系统平、上、去、入按古声母的清浊各分阴阳；浊上字归阴上，跟金华城里、兰溪、磐安方言相同。
In other aspects, Longquan dialect has the properties of Wuyu in general, like the tone inventory preserving the register contrast in each of the tone categories according to the classical onset voicing.
Only voiced tone III merged with IIIa, just like urban Jinhua, Lanxi and Pan’an dialects.
从以上情况来看，庆元县、龙泉市的绝大部分地区的方言属于南部吴语，是没有问题的。
Based on the above situation, the dialects of the vast majority of Qingyuan County and Longquan City are classified as Southern Wu, without question.

In the past week:
– I have made progress on the short paper, though it is not yet done.
– I did translate the next section of 南部吴语, a rather short section.
– I did not write the email about counting in harmonic grammar.

In the coming week:
– I really need to finish the short paper.
– I will translate the next section of 南部吴语.
– I will have more opportunity to listen to 二十分可乐
– I still need to write that email